to the great discussions of polity involved in this argument. We are then to understand that this is the state of the question: that to maintain a Legislative power over America, is the primary, the sole, and the necessary object; for the attainment of which, and for the reduction of the Colonies to an unlimited obedience, all considerations of the benefits of trade be they what they may, and of the ruinous mischiefs of its loss, be they however certain and fatal, are to be suspended; that we are to contend through every hazard, and in neglect of every other, for this grand object, the establishment of supreme Dominion, voluntas pro imperio. I wish, my Lords, to place the question on its proper basis; and then to submit to your Lordships whether, on the real state of it, your wisdom and equity will, for such an object and in exclusion of all other, entail on your country the calamities that I maintain must result from this Bill, the calamities of civil war. Before wise and good men draw the sword, they consider whether the war in which they are going to engage be just, practicable and necessary." Unless the war, which this measure must produce, be found to have these qualities, it cannot be imagined that your Lordships will give your sanction to it. The consideration of the justice of the measure Contended for, will bring your Lordships to the original cause of contention, Taxation, As to the right of taxing America, my ideas on that subject must ever continue the same; though I am not now to give them to your Lordships. I am tongue-tied on that question. It is now enacted to be law, and is not on this occasion, to be brought into debate. But the exercise of that right, we may always fully examine into. Now, my Lords, I must humbly submit, that we have attempted the exercise of this right of taxation, as some of your Lordships are pleased to call it, most unwarrantably, and pursued it most unwisely, as the events have proved. An East India Ship, freighted with Tea, goes to Boston: a mob, and a very inconsiderable mob, destroy it: no requisition is made for satisfaction, which would have been given: no step is taken towards accommodation, which would have been effected; no inquiry is instituted into the transaction; but you proceed, without hearing the parties, without distinguishing the innocent from the guilty, or examining whether any were guilty at all, you proceed to block up their Harbour, destroy their Trade, and reduce the whole country to the deepest distress. And for what, my Lords? For a transaction which every American disclaimed, and none have attempted to justify. Pursuing the same spirit, you arbitrarily introduce a total change into their Constitution, You violate their charter-rights of choosing their own Council, their own Assembly, and their Magistrates; and invest the Governour with these privileges. You rivet the dependence of their Judges, by making them removable at pleasure. You pack their Juries, by a bene placito Sheriff. And thus, my Lords, are annihilated all the securities of their freedom and happiness. In criminal matters, the tyrannical statute of Henry the Eighth is revived, and the mast oppressive partiality is established. If an American kills an Englishman, he is dragged hither, far from his neighbours, his friends, his witnesses; from all possibility of vindicating his innocence. If an Englishman kills an American, he is brought home to his own country, to be tried with all advantages, and without testimony or circumstances to prove his guilt. These are part of the oppressions yon have accumulated on America; and to repel them, the Americans have united their counsels; and their valour; and my Lords, I must maintain that they are justified in their union. But, my Lords, some ideas are most industriously circulated, extolling the irresistible omnipotence of Parliament; that the decrees of the Legislature must be obeyed, be they what they may; without doubt, and without appeal. A reverend Dean [Dr. Tucker, Dean of Gloucester] preaches these unlimited doctrines, in his book on the subject of America; and a pamphlet published a few days ago, called "Taxation no Tyranny," I know not the author, [Dr. Johnson,] speaks the same language; the press indeed abounds with politicks and pamphlets, studiously endeavouring to enforce the same principles. But, my Lords, I have learned other principles another doctrines, and I learned them from a writer in support of the Court and the politicks of William the Third. Mr. Locke wrote his book on Government in defence of King William's title to the Crown; and he proves, in that inestimable treatise, that the people are justified in resistance to tyranny; whether it be tyranny assumed by a Monarch, or power arbitrarily unjust, attempted by a Legislature. My Lords, the bodies which compose the Legislature, are invested with that power for the good of the whole. We are trustees, and can exercise our powers, only in execution of the great trust reposed in us. What, my Lords, if both Houses of Parliament, with the concurrence of the King, if you will, should propose to surrender the dearest rights and privileges of the people: and the case lately happened in Denmark, almost before our eyes, and formerly in our own history, in the time of Henry the Eighth, when Parliament voted that his proclamation should be equivalent to law; in such cases, are not the people justified in resisting? These, my Lords, are the constitutional doctrines of resistance to arbitrary power in all shapes whatever. And let me observe that these are the doctrines which establish the present family on the Throne. Their title stands on this solid rock, the principles of Mr. Locke. I trust then, my Lords, those slavish tenets will never gain ground in tins, country, and that it will never be understood, that the Constitution gives you more power than that of doing right. And when I am asked whether the Legislature cannot retract Charters, and annul rights, if it thinks proper, and merely at its own will, I say, my Lords, it cannot; I say, it cannot. They may be lost, they may be forfeited; but they are not to be arbitrarily sported with, and wantonly violated. And when such is the conduct held against America, when the severest and most comprehensive punishments are inflicted, without examining the offence; when their constitutional liberties are destroyed; when their Charters and their rights are sacrificed to the vindictive spirit of the moment; when you thus tear up all their privileges by the roots; is there a country under heaven, breathing the last gasp of freedom, that will not resist such oppressions, and vindicate, on the oppressors' heads, such violations of justice?

Now, my Lords, whether the proposed measure of severity be practicable or not, is also most seriously deserving of your Lordships' attention. To conquer a great Continent of eighteen hundred miles, containing three millions of people, all indissolubly united on the great Whig bottom of liberty and justice, seems an undertaking not to be rashly engaged in. It is said by a noble Lord (Dudley) that only our mildness and lenity save them from utter desolation, and prevent our carrying fire and sword through their country. But I believe it is certain that we would have done so, if we could; and that nothing but inability has prevented our proceeding to the most hostile extremes of violence, and devastation; if we may judge from what has been done in that line, in which alone any thing can hope to be effected. But, my Lords, where are you to get men and money adequate to the service and expense that the reduction of such a Continent must require? What are the ten thousand men you have just voted out to Boston? merely to save General. Gage from the disgrace and destruction of being sacked in his intrenchments. It is obvious, my Lords, that you cannot furnish Armies, or treasure competent to the mighty purpose of subduing America. It is obvious that your only effort can be by your Naval power; and, as far as those efforts can have effect, you may certainly expect success: at least when we consider America alone: but whether France and Spain will be tame, inactive, spectators of your efforts and distractions, is well worthy the considerations of your Lordships. But admitting full success to your Naval efforts, what can they effect; the blocking up their Ports, and the suppression of their trade. But will this procure the conquest of America No, my Lords; they are prepared to meet these severities, and to surmount them. They are applying themselves most diligently to agriculture, that great source of strength and independence. Foreseeing the important crisis, they have provided against its wants; and have imported into their country stores of industry, implements of husbandry and manufacture. They have united in the rejection of luxury and superfluous enjoyment. They have, suppressed their publick diversions, formerly commons enough in their great and wealthy towns; and every man attaches himself wholly to the great business of his country. Such is the state of America. She has curtailed her expenses; she has reduced her table; she