would have produced it before now, with aggravation, as was the case a few years ago with the East India Company, who had their effects arrested for a long bill, when they little expected it, and that bill too, not very scrupulously charged; but when money is in the case, whether from the East or from the West, Ministers can make as long bills as other people.

But, is not the Peace Establishment of North America now very high, and very expensive? I would answer that by another question; why should the Peace Establishment since the late war, and the total expulsion of the French interest, be higher than it was before the late war, and when the French possessed above half the American Continent? If it be so, there must be some singular reason.

I cannot suppose that you mean, under the general term of North America, to saddle all the expenses of Canada, Nova Scotia, Cape Breton, Newfoundland, Florida, and the West Indies, upon the old Colonies of North America. You cannot mean to keep the sovereignty, the property, the possession, (these are the terms of the cession in the Treaty of 1763,) to yourselves, and Jay the expense of the Military Establishment, which you think proper to keep up, upon the old Colonies.

Sir, the Colonies never thought of interfering in the Prerogative of making War or Peace; but if this Nation can be so unjust as to meditate the settling the expense of your new conquests separately upon them, they ought to have had a voice in settling the terms of Peace. It is you, on this side of the water, who have first brought up the idea of separate interests, by planning separate and distinct charges. It was their men, and their money, which had conquered North America, and the West Indies, as well as yours, though you seized all the spoils; but they never thought of dictating to you what you should keep, or what you should give up, little dreaming that you reserved the expense of your Military Governments for them. Who gave up the Havana Who gave up Martinique? Who gave up Guadaloupe, with Mariegalante Who gave up Santa Lucia? Who gave up the Newfoundland, Fishery? Who gave up all these, without their consent, without their participation, without their consultation, and after all, without equivalents? Sir, if your Colonies had but been permitted to have gathered up the crumbs which have fallen from your table, they would have gladly supported the whole establishment of North America.

Your Colonies have now shown you the value of lands in North America; and, therefore, you have vested in the Crown the sovereignty, property, and possession of infinite tracts of land, perhaps as extensive as all Europe, which the Crown may dispose of at its own price, as the land rises in America, and grants become invaluable; and to enable the Crown to support an arbitrary Military, nay, even a Romish Government, till these lands rise to their future immense value, you are casting about to saddle the expense either upon the American or the British supplies. The Americans must, indeed, be in a state of insanity, if they do not see the tendency of all this; and we, ourselves, must be more insane and blind even than the Americans; we, who have already seen the patronage of the East Indies put into the hands of the Crown, and who now see the sovereignty, property, and possession of North America, with every military and despotick power, vested solely in the King's hands; we, who are made to learn every hour, by precept and example, that Charters, being but the breath of Kings, are to be annihilated by the breath of pliable Parliaments; we must be, sir, I say, more insane than them, if we do not see the tendency of all this, and if we do not provide, in time, for our own security, as well as for that of America. I will not suppose, that we can be so improvident as not to attend to these important, and, perhaps, not very distant events; nor, with respect to the present question, will I suppose that Parliament meditates so great an injustice, as to require your old Colonies to support the charge of all your new conquests, and all the rest of America.

This country is very liberal in its boasting of its protection and parental kindness to America. Is it for that purpose that we have converted the Province of Canada into an absolute and military Government, and have established the Romish bigotry dominant, as a terrour upon all our ancient and Protestant Colonies? What security, what protection do they derive? In what sort are they the better for the conquest of the French Dominions, if we take that opportunity to establish a Government, Civil, Military, and Ecclesiastical, in the utmost degree hostile to the Government of our own Provinces, and with the intent to set a thorn in their sides? Is this affection and parental kindness? Surely, you do not expect that they should be taxed and talliaged to pay for this rod of iron which you are preparing for them!

Now, sir, I come to a point, in which I think you may be said to have given some protection. I mean the protection of your Fleet to the American Commerce. And even here I am at a loss by what terms to call it; whether you are protecting yourselves or them. They are your Cargoes, your Manufactures, your Commerce, your Navigation. Every Ship from America is bound to Great, Britain. None enter an American Port, but British Ships and Men. While you are defending the American Commerce, you are defending Leeds and Halifax, Sheffield and Birmingham, Manchester and Hull, Bristol and Liverpool, London, Dublin, and Glasgow. However, as our Fleet does protect whatever Commerce belongs to them, let that be set to the account. It is an argument to them, as well as to us. As it has been the sole policy of this Kingdom, for ages, by the operation of every commercial Act of Parliament, to make the American Commerce totally subservient to our own convenience, the least that we owe to them in return is—protection.

Sir, I have now stated my sentiments upon the prelimnary matters. I have endeavoured to state the services, in war, of the Americans, with ours, and their mutual proportions; in which, by our own confession, the Americans have taken more than their share. I have stated the expense of your Military Establishment for them, such as it has been, or such as it need to be, always protesting against the imposition of the charge of the conquered Provinces upon them; and I have stated the necessity and convenience of your Fleet to their Commerce. Let this line of dividing the question be pursued to what minuteness you will, in order that we may come to a fundamental judgement; let debtor or creditor fall on which side it; will, I have no bias to either side of the argument; but to have perfect and liberal justice done, and reconcilement, if possible, effected upon sound and equitable principles. I will, beg leave to read to the House, a draft of a Letter of Requisition, which I have drawn up after the manner of former requisitions to the Colonies, and which I have endeavoured to adapt to the present circumstances.

Here he read the following draught* of a Letter of Requisition to the Colonies:

"His Majesty having nothing so much at heart, as to see every part of his Dominions put into a state of security, both by Sea and Land, against any attack, or even apprehension of attack, from foreign Powers, has, therefore, particularly taken into his consideration the necessity of keeping up a respectable Marine Establishment, as well for the actual protection of the commercial interests of Great Britain and America, as to maintain, undiminished, the power and preeminence of the Royal Flag of Great Britain, and to preserve that Navy, which has, in the time of war, carried us triumphant over all your enemies, from falling into neglect or inaction in the time of peace. The Naval power of Great Britain is, more especially, necessary for the protection of his Majesty's American subjects, from the special nature of their case; who have, need, each of them, by their respective Militias, a provincial security by Land, but from the want of a similar establishment at Sea, are particularly unguarded on that element. The Colonists are dependent upon the security of the Sea, not only for their own trade, but likewise for that supply of British Manufactures, which, if they were under the neces-

* This draught is made out according to the usual and official forms, and upon the model of former Letters of Requisition to the Colonies. Whenever it has been thought proper to require aid's from the Colonies, it has been the invariable custom for the Secretary of State to write a Circular Letter to the Governours of the several Provinces, stating the occasion of the demand, the circumstances of the crisp, and the necessity, importance, or expediency of the services required, with directions to lay the same before the respective Assemblies, "to use his influence with them, and to recommend it to them, to take these matters into their consideration, and to comply with such reasonable requisitions." The American Colonies have ever complied, most cheerfully and liberally, with all such reasonable and constitutional requisitions.