the glories of his reign; to see the unhappy divisions of this Kingdom against itself, giving courage to their secret resentments, and tempting them, in an evil hour, to re-assume those hostile purposes against his Majesty's Dominions, which the united and compacted powers of the whole House of Bourbon were unable, in the late glorious war, to accomplish, against the then united and compacted Arms of Great Britain and America. His Majesty's most earnest and most anxious wishes are, to see unanimity restored amongst all his subjects, that they may long enjoy, in peace, the fruits of those common victories which have heretofore cemented them in one general cause; that living in harmony and brotherly kindness one towards another, and in one common obedience to the supreme Legislature, they may join all hands with one heart, to support the dignity of his Crown, the just authority of Parliament, the true and combined interests of Great Britain and America; and thus transmit to posterity, with everlasting honour, the united Empire of these Kingdoms."

This is the plan, and the terms, or to the effect, that according to the best of my judgement, a Requisition on the present subject should be drawn. I have endeavoured to state the case in such a manner as may open a way to reconcilement on both sides. Make your requisitions free, and let them be founded in reason and justice; and there are no subjects in any Kingdom that will be deaf to reason, justice, common interest, and mutual obligations: and I am sure, from the repeated liberality and zeal of our Colonies, we, of all the Kingdoms in the world, have the least reason to distrust those of our own consanguinity.

I cannot think it a possible thing in our Constitution, that any one seriously, upon a moment's reflection, can admit the thought of denying to the Americans their judgement upon the necessity or application of money required. That is the right of all free subjects, without which they have nothing that they can call their own. Let your requisitions be free, for reasonable and substantial services, and faithfully performed, and there is no example of a refusal in such a case, in any state. That consents are withheld, and ought so to be, in case of grievances unredressed, our own history abounds with examples. Our rights and liberties would have long ago been trampled under foot, but for that reserved power in the Commons. But a refusal, in a reasonable case, is, as yet, without example. Absurdity and caprice are not the principles which govern men in the great concerns of state: but reason over-rules all little caprices. In Holland, the consent not only of the States General, but of the Provincial States, and in many instances, I believe, of every Town in each Province, is necessary for great acts of state; and yet that negative never stands in the way against reason. Where measures have common sense, and common reason, for their foundation, they will never be obstructed; where they have not, they ought to be defeated.

But it is said, that we can hear of no terms with the Americans, who have been in a state of resistance to our authority. Sir, I wish to cast no retrospect, but only to look forward to reconciliation, and to prevent the shedding of blood. The Resolution of the noble Lord has confessed, and the House has adopted the truth of it, that Requisition is the proper way. Your Colonies have been calling out to you incessantly for ten years, to make your demands by constitutional requisitions. This House, after a ten years misunderstanding, has confirmed that to be, in their opinion too, the right way. Then why not close now, at least, upon that ground, without retrospect. The Colonies have been driven to resistance against their wills, lest they should have nothing that they could surely call their own. The right to take any Nation's money indefinitely, without their consent, without measure, without account, without any inquiry into the application, is not to be conceded or compromised by any Nation upon the earth. Resistance or ruin must infallibly be the consequence; and those who are compelled to resistance, by your having persevered in the principle of taking by force, till the noble Lord's pro position, which has, at least, condemned it, have been forced to deny that authority, which they always had, and always would have wished to acknowledge and support. I was that unconquerable and irresistible impulse of nature, self-defence, which cut off all retreat; then let us cast no retrospect. If the grounds of this unhappy dispute can be settled, all may be peace yet. If the Americans could be assured that you would not again make resistance absolutely necessary to their security, and very being as a people, they are ready enough to acknowledge their subordination, and all the rights of Great Britain. Let them know, that peace and security to their rights and properties shall be the certain condition of acknowledging the supreme Legislation of this country, and the matter is ended.

Sir, after I shall have received the determination of the House upon the motion for Requisitions, I shall take the liberty to offer three other motions, for a suspension of the three vindictive American Bills of the last session. The connexion of these motions with the preceding, is too obvious to require any explanation or debate. I would only take leave to say, that I should not have moved for a mere suspension of these Bills, if a motion for their repeal had not already been rejected by this House. Having given an unavailing vote for their repeal, I now come to entreat for the next degree, at least for suspension. You have ex communicated Boston, and proscribed the whole Province of New England, unheard: then recollect your justice, and whether you send even the noble Lord's compulsory Requisition to America, or this motion of mine for a free Requisition; suspend your vindictive hand, and, whilst you treat for peace, arrest the sword.

Sir, I have now offered what I have to say upon this important subject. I have given it my most serious, I may say, my only attention, ever since I have been in a situation to give a responsible vote upon it; and I heartily wish that some means or other may be found in time to stop the effusion of civil blood. And here, sir, I offer ray poor sentiments to the House, and to the noble Lord, as in the place of Minister. It is a great responsibility that will lie at his door, who is to have the recommendation, it might say the decision, of the measures to be adopted. We, on this side the House, who have opposed the whole system of American measures, have not done it merely for the sake of op position. We have not sheltered ourselves under. No, no; but we have declared our principles, we have offered our plans; and they must now remain with Great Britain and America, at large, to discuss and weigh their merits, to accept, or to reject them. The noble Lord has a great ascendant in this House. Perhaps his plan, if he has any thing to be called a plan, may find advocates and voices here. But our country at large, Great Britain and America, must finally decide. My honourable friend near me (Mr. Burke) has, with unrivalled ability, opened to you his principles and plan. The Earl of Chatham has, in the other House, offered his provisional Bill, for conciliation, to the Ministry there; and for myself, sir, it is with the greatest deference and humility that I presume to offer any thing of mine, in conjunction with such great names and abilities. I can only plead the sincerity of my intentions as an apology for my presumption. All our plans tend to one centre, and to one point of reconciliation, to save the effusion of blood between those who ought to be, reciprocally, good and useful friends. If the noble Lord has any secret feelings of relenting, as many of his friends, and many more who would be his friends, most sincerely wish, let him standout, and do justice to his feelings. His country calls upon him, not to give way to sanguinary and impatient councils, contrary to his own better judgement. This is the decisive hour; the fate of Great Britain and America are depending.

The eyes of all this country, and America too, are turn ed towards the noble Lord, as the ostensible and responsible Minister, to receive his final determination as to the measures which are to decide the safety or ruin of this Empire. The ways of peace are still before him. If war is to be the measure with America, let him consider that it is not a majority of this House that can conquer America. The support of reason and justice to his measures will stand him better in stead, than the noisy tumult of a majority; in which majority there may be lurking, treacherous counsellors, and pretended friends, secretly urging him to his ruin, even against his own judgement. The important responsibility is out of measure. When the debates and measures of this year are transmitted to America, they may, perhaps, tell the noble Lord:—Had you pursued a plan of equity and justice, all had been peace. At home,