But it is said, that by withholding your tobacco you will immediately make the Minister sensible of his folly, in the instant effect it will have upon the revenue. But when you consider that the tax upon tobacco is finally paid by the British inhabitants who consume it, and consequently is actually raised in England, and if the tax ceases upon this luxury, the same sum may be raised by laying it on some other; and that by doing so, the subjects of Britain will pay no more than they do at present; or, in other words, the same sum of money may be still raised by altering only the mode of raising it; the inconvenience will not be so great as is at first sight imagined; and even supposing it otherwise, by giving this temporary shock to Administration, may you not fix a lasting inconvenience upon yourselves? Accustomed to the use of that commodity, when they are no longer supplied by you, may not the inhabitant of Britain look out for a supply of it from some other quarter? And may you not lose that valuable branch of trade altogether? If there is no danger of this, or if the loss of it should be thought not worth regretting, at least confine your plan of non-importation to tobacco only, or, what will be still wiser, determine to make no more of it till the points you contend for are established. But to injure yourselves by devoting your wheat and corn to be destroyed by the weavils and other vermin, in your own useless barns, will be indiscreet; to starve your fellow-subjects and fellow-sufferers of the West Indies will be inhuman; and to increase the wealth of Great Britain by raising to an exorbitant height the price of her wheat and provisions in those foreign markets which you at present supply, will be downright madness to think of. Upon the whole, policy, humanity, a just regard for your national character, gratitude, and common honesty, all forbid you to adopt the second plan proposed, as it would most certainly end in a scandalous and unpitied submission, or introduce a civil war, aggravated with all the inconveniences attending a good cause turned into a bad one by rash, indiscreet, and unjustifiable measures. If we are obliged to struggle for our liberty with arms in our hands, let us not unnerve the sinews of war. If we are at last forced, though unwillingly, to draw the sword, let us do it in a just cause; let us be careful that we are not the aggressors, let us point our resentment against our oppressors; but let us not wound the bosoms of our friends; let us conduct ourselves in such a manner as to raise the prayers of the righteous for our success, and if we do fall, let us fall revered and lamented, but not execrated and despised by all mankind. But I am far from thinking that you are yet in this desperate situation, and am not without hopes that you may still establish your liberty without having recourse to the decision of the sword. But to avoid this, it will be absolutely necessary to convince your oppressors that you dare to do it rather than be enslaved. The measures to be taken, in order to convince them, naturally lead me to the consideration of the third plan proposed, which, I confess, appears to me the most constitutional, the most rational, the most moderate, and the most effectual measure you can pursue; and to prove that it is so shall be the subject of my next.

I shall conclude this with one remark, which I submit to the serious attention of my countrymen. You may remember that the second plan proposed came first recommended to you from your friends on the other side the Atlantic. Now, though many of the inhabitants of Great Britain think that the British Parliament have no right to tax you, and sincerely disapprove the hostile and violent measures pursued by them against you, yet there is not one man of them who does not insist that you ought to submit to the supreme legislation of the British Parliament, and therefore would wish you to avoid every measure of contesting with success the supremacy they claim of restraining your manufactures, and of securing to themselves the whole profit of your labours. Hence they will never advise you to adopt any other than temporizing measures, to avoid the evil of a present oppression, without considering that to admit the dependence, must one time or other necessarily end in despotism to them, and slavery to you. Again, the British people are of two factions, the first consists of a majority of the two Houses of Parliament, and composes the aristocracy; these are called the ins. The second consists of the minority of those Houses, and are called the outs. Most of whom would be willing to be taken into the aristocracy, and become ins if they could; and whenever they are, would be as violent against you as their brethren. With this view the outs row pretend to be your friends, and advise you to adopt measures that would do, what? Settle the dispute at once? By no means; for that would lessen their own consequence. But such as may subject the ins to temporary inconveniences, and oblige them to admit some of the outs to share with them in the emoluments of Administration; listen therefore to them with a suspicious ear; "Hear each man's censure, but reserve your judgment," and constantly revolve in your minds these truths: that American liberty can only be preserved by American virtue, and that if you determine to dare to be free, you will be so.

NEW-JERSEY RESOLUTIONS.

At a General Meeting of the Committees of the several Counties in the Province of New-Jersey, at New-Brunswick, on Thursday, the 2lst July; and continued to the Saturday following:—Present seventy-two Members.

STEPHEN CRANE, Esquire, in the Chair.

The Committees taking into their serious consideration the dangerous and destructive nature of sundry Acts of the British Parliament, with respect to the fundamental liberties of the American Colonies, conceive it their indispensable duty to bear their open testimony against them, and to concur with the other Colonies in prosecuting all legal and necessary measures, for obtaining their speedy repeal. Therefore, we unanimously agree in the following sentiments and Resolutions:

1st. We think it necessary to declare, that the inhabitants of this Province, (and we are confident the people of America in general) are, and ever have been, firm and unshaken in their loyalty to his Majesty King George the Third; fast friends to the Revolution settlement: and that they detest all thoughts of an independence on the Crown of Great Britain: Accordingly we do, in the most sincere and solemn manner, recognize and acknowledge his Majesty King George the Third to be our lawful and rightful Sovereign, to whom under his royal protection in our fundamental rights and privileges, we owe, and will render all due faith and allegiance.

2d. We think ourselves warranted from the principles of our excellent Constitution, to affirm that the claim of the British Parliament, (in which we neither are, nor can be represented) to make laws, which shall be binding on the King's American subjects, "in all cases whatsoever," and particularly for imposing taxes for the purpose of raising a revenue in America, is unconstitutional and oppressive; and which we think ourselves bound in duty to ourselves and our posterity, by all constitutional means in our power, to oppose.

3d. We think the several late Acts of Parliament for shutting up the port of Boston; invading the Charter rights of the Province of the Massachusetts Bay; and subjecting supposed offenders, to be sent for trial to other Colonies, or to Great Britain; the sending over an armed force to carry the same into effect, and thereby reducing many thousands of innocent and loyal inhabitants to poverty and distress; are not only subversive of the undoubted rights of his Majesty's American subjects, but also repugnant to the common principles of humanity and justice. These proceedings so violent in themselves, and so truly alarming to the other Colonies, (many of which are equally exposed to Ministerial vengeance,) render it the indispensable duty of all, heartily to unite in the most proper measures, to procure redress for their oppressed countrymen, now suffering in the common cause; and for the re-establishment of the constitutional rights of America on a solid and permanent foundation.

4th. To effect this important purpose, we conceive the most eligible method is, to appoint a General Congress of Commissioners of the respective Colonies; who shall be empowered mutually to pledge, each to the rest, the public honor and faith of their constituent Colonies, firmly and inviolably to adhere to the determinations of the said Congress.

5th. Resolved, That we do earnestly recommend a general non-importation and a non-consumption agreement