very much depend upon their proceedings. Never in this country has more depended upon an assembly of men, than depends upon this. Liberty or oppression, if not abject slavery, depends upon the turn that things shall now take. The contest between Britain and the Colonies runs high. Matters are now come to a crisis. Something must be done by America; and nothing considerable can be done till there is a general Congress. The eyes of all America will be upon this Assembly. The Provinces are ripe for doing something; they want to know what. How much depends upon the wisdom and integrity of these Delegates! How fatal to us all, if, by any means, they give a wrong turn to our affairs! If they should not agree, so that the Colonies might unite in some proper measure, America is undone; or at least thrown into the utmost confusion.

It should not be deemed arrogance or presumption, for any person, in a modest and rational manner, to suggest what is thought proper to be done at the general Congress. On the contrary it is very desirable that numbers from various parts of our land would impartially offer their sentiments on this head. The Delegates must certainly desire to know the mind of the country in general. No rational man will think himself so well acquainted with our affairs as that he cannot have a more full and better view of them. No human mind is capable of taking in all things. We by degrees obtain the knowledge which we have. No Delegate, before he meet the rest, should think he knows the state and interest of all the Provinces so fully and clearly as that he cannot know them better. No Delegate should go with a full persuasion that he has so formed the proper plan of proceeding, as that he will by no means alter. Every wise man will alter for the better as he sees opportunity. Yet, 'tis very desirable that every Member of that important Assembly should have as general and complete a view of our affairs, and what is proper to be done, as he possibly can before he meets in general Congress; and, for this reason, the more there is suggested in our publick papers the better, if it is done in a becoming manner.

The Delegates should go to the Congress with hearts deeply affected with the weight and vast importance of their business; with a proper concern, if not anxiety of mind, considering how much is depending, and how difficult it may be to determine matters in the best manner. Every wise man will have a modest diffidence as to his own abilities in managing such arduous affairs. In this view let it not be thought amiss, if I say they should go to the great Congress with a proper dependence on the Father of Lights and Mercies, who gives wisdom liberally to those who ask him. And no doubt many will pray for them.

When the Delegates are met several things will lie before them, as matters of consideration, inquiry, or debate. Some of these will be matters of great importance, others of less. One important inquiry, no doubt, will be, in what manner shall we make our application to Great Britain? Shall we petition as humble supplicants? Or shall we insist on things as our right? Shall we apply for all that we deem our rights and privileges? Or only for relief in those matters that now press us? Shall our application be made by this general Congress? Or shall this Assembly only point out and advise what the several Provincial Assemblies or Houses of Burgesses shall apply for?

Another considerable head of inquiry respects our trade. Shall we stop importation only, or shall we cease exportation also? Shall this extend only to Great Britain and Ireland, or shall it comprehend the West India Islands? At what time shall this cessation begin? Shall we stop trade till we obtain what we think reasonable, and which will secure us for time to come; or shall it be only till we obtain relief in those particulars which now immediately oppress us? Shall we first apply for relief and wait for an answer before we stop trade, or shall we stop trade while we are making application?

'Tis the general voice of the Colonies that we cannot submit to be taxed by the British Parliament; but we by no means refuse to bear our proper, a reasonable part of our publick expenses. [We ourselves being sole judges of the propriety and reasonableness of all requisitions that may be made, and of the mode of levying and applying all we shall think proper to raise.] If we can have all our natural privileges of trade, we are willing to bear our proper part of the burden of expenses. We are willing to let Britain know this; we ought now to express our readiness to it. Therefore another important inquiry may be, in what manner shall we pay our part of the publick national expense? This matter once settled, and our proper privileges and natural rights of trade secured, then peace, most agreeable peace, is established between Britain and the Colonies. Jealousies will be then removed, and cordial friendship continue. The mother country and her offspring Colonies will then go on to prosper, and numerous blessings attend them both. 'Tis true this matter cannot be settled by the Congress, because it will be a work of time, and must be by mutual agreement between Britain and the Colonies. Yet it may be highly expedient for the Congress to consider this matter, and propose what may be proper for the several Provincial Assemblies to offer or comply with. The several Provinces ought to be agreed in this matter; and they cannot so well agree as by a general Congress.

Another inquiry among the Delegates no doubt will be, whether we shall offer to pay for the tea that has been destroyed? This should be freely and calmly debated. What will be proper in point of equity? What may be proper in point of prudence or expediency? What consequences will they in Britain draw from our offering to pay for it? In point of equity, the following queries may take place. Was the Act of Parliament that brought the tea here an unconstitutional Act, tending to produce the pernicious consequences that have flowed from it ? Was the East India Company previously warned by several Members of Parliament, and told they would suffer loss by sending their tea here? Has not that unconstitutional Act of Parliament, and the East India Company's conduct, been the proper and unavoidable cause of ten times more damage to America than the East India Company have sustained? If the Company must be made whole, is it not as reasonable that the expense should lie upon Britain as America, since a British Act was the faulty cause of it; and the destruction of the tea was not the act of America, nor of particular cities, as such, but of mobs?

Some queries of less importance may respect the mode of the Delegates proceeding among themselves. Shall the Congress be open to all that can see or hear, or shall the Delegates be by themselves? Shall they allow their debates to be taken down in short-hand? Shall they keep minutes of their proceedings and votes, to be afterwards printed, as is done in Provincial Assemblies, that the Colonies may know how each Member stood affected and voted?

The Delegates from the Provinces ought to be the most hearty friends of America, men that will give up their own private interest for the publick good, when these two come in competition. He that will not do this is no real friend to the publick. This important Assembly will be in danger from false or pretended friends. There are a few in almost every Province, who, from one reason or other, would be glad to bring America to submit to the Ministerial, unconstitutional, measures which we are now threatened with. If any of these persons, under disguise, should be sent to the Congress (as possibly some may) they will, under show of friendship, try to embarrass and confound the measures proposed. They will act as Hushai did with Absalom. It may be difficult sometimes, in the Congress, to know whether a man opposes a proposition from a true regard to the good of his country, according to his view of things, or whether he does it to undermine the whole design. The members of this important Assembly should not be too jealous of each other: that will destroy free debate. They must receive and treat one another as open hearted friends; but not be so off their guard as if they were certain there was no enemy among them.

Considering the vast importance of this Congress, the long train of most interesting consequences that may follow from their advice or determinations; considering the need they have of wisdom, as well as integrity, it might be proper for the several Provinces to observe a day of fasting and prayer about the time that the Delegates meet; and if the Provinces as such do not, yet it may be proper for as many persons, or societies as can, to do it.

There are two reasons why this may be proper: First,