relentless creditor, that he should put his purse into his hand, and then resign himself to the miseries of a jail. Yet this is what rigorous justice might demand, though reason and the law of self-preservation would authorize a repeal.—This has some resemblance to the present state of Boston.

I hope my countrymen will not be deceived by pretences of regard to justice, which too often serve as a cover for other views. That the tea will eventually be paid for, I believe there is little doubt, but let this compensation be made, as all others have been heretofore, when the grievance that created the loss ceased. There is not an argument offered for the payment of the tea, but what will operate equally for the payment of the stamped paper, which was never paid for to this hour; and let it also be remembered, that all the compensation made for damage done to individuals on that occasion, were after the Act was repealed. No person then thought that previous satisfaction was an act of justice, policy, or expedience. We have former experience for our guide, and I think it is not difficult to foresee, that hasty concessions of this nature, while our grievances continue, will defect the best concerted plan we may form for relief. It will afford such encouragement to every enterprising adventurer, who may choose to join in the attack upon American liberty, by securing his property from risk, as ought to deter us from hasty conclusions on a matter which may have such serious consequences. Instead of being the first act on the part of America, I cannot but think the interest of America, and particularly of the unhappy sufferers at Boston, require that it should be the last. But there is a debt of justice and honour of which 1 will beg leave to recommend my worthy fellow-citizens, not doubting but at a proper time it will meet with due attention. Those gentlemen who sacrificed their interest to the publick call, who permitted their goods to return in the tea-ship, and thereby may have saved this city from the calamities of Boston, though at a loss to themselves, surely deserve something more solid than thanks for so self-denying an instance of publick virtue and regard to their fellow-citizens.

LETTER FROM THE COMMITTEE OF CORRESPONDENCE OF NEW-JERSEY, TO THE COMMITTEE OF CORRESPONDENCE OF BOSTON.

Elizabethtown, New-Jersey, July 28, 1774.

GENTLEMEN: The arbitrary and cruel oppression under which your Metropolis now labours, from the suspension of commerce, must inevitably reduce multitudes to inexpressible difficulty and distress. Suffering in a glorious and common cause, sympathy and resentment, with peculiar energy, fill the breasts of your anxious countrymen. As the King of Kings and the Ruler of Princes seems, in a remarkable manner, to be inspiring these Colonies with a spirit of union, to confound the counsels of your unrighteous oppressors, and with a spirit of humanity and benevolence towards an innocent and oppressed people; so, we trust, he will also inspire your town with patience, resignation, and fortitude, until this great calamity shall be overpast.

We have the pleasure to acquaint you, that, on the 21st instant, at the city of New-Brunswick, the Province of New-Jersey, with singular unanimity, seventy-two Delegates from the several counties, and a majority of the House of Representatives present and approving, entered into similar resolutions with the other Colonies; elected five Deputies for the proposed Congress, and the County Committees then agreed to promote collections in their respective counties, for the relief of such of the unhappy inhabitants of the town of Boston as may now be reduced to extremity and want. To accomplish this purpose with the more acceptation to yourselves, we, the Committee of Correspondence for the Eastern Division, request that, by the return of the post, you would be pleased to advise us in what way we can best answer your present necessities; whether cash remitted, or what articles of provision, or other necessaries, we can furnish from hence, would be most agreeable; and which we hope we shall be able to forward to Boston very soon after your advice shall be received. We doubt not gentlemen are devising every possible method for the employment of those who, by their deplorable situation, are cut off from all former means of subsistence.

We are, gentlemen, your very humble servants,

By order,

WILLIAM P. SMITH, Chairman.

A brief Examination of AMERICAN Grievances; being the heads of a Speech at the General Meeting at LEWESTOWN, on DELAWARE, July 28, 1774.

A gentleman introduced the business of the Assembly, by an encomium on the happiness of the English Constitution, and went on to show that the American Colonies brought all British liberties with them, as appears by their Charters, the nature of their emigration, and many publick declarations at that time made, and since. That the Colonies were pleased and happy in their union, commerce, and mutual assistance given to and received from the mother country, even while almost the whole fruits of their labour and industry ever returned to Britain, to her strength and aggrandizement. That they have been, and still are, the most loyal and dutiful of all his Majesty's subjects, and the most closely attached to his present Royal family. That they have always granted their aids of money and men, when their Sovereign constitutionally demanded them of their Assemblies, and even seasonably and beyond their proportion; so that, in the last war, a considerable sum was refunded to this little Colony on Delaware, as well as others. That the present undeserved frowns of the parent state most probably arise from the base calumnies, wicked insinuations, and most false misrepresentations of the Bernards, Hutchinsons, Olivers, and such other malicious enemies of the real interest of Britain and America, who have absurdly, as well as wickedly, represented the Colonies as rebellious, independent, &c. That hence, for about ten years past, the conduct of the British Ministry, and a majority of Parliament, seems to be one continual plan to rob us of our dearest liberties. That, if America be enslaved, the freedom of Britain will not long survive that wretched crisis. That the impositions and oppressions of the most loyal Americans are already become very numerous and very grievous.

He then went on to enumerate and explain as many as he could recollect, after laying down these principles, viz:

That "all lawful civil Governments must be wholly employed to preserve the lives, liberties, and properties of the subject."

"No Englishman is bound to any laws to which he has not consented by himself, or his own chosen Representatives."

"A man has no property in that of which he may be rightfully dispossessed at the pleasure of another."

"Britons only can give their own money."

"No man can tax us but ourselves, while we enjoy the British Constitution."

He went on to show, that from these principles, well known to every freeman, the following will appear, to say the least, lawless usurpations, viz:

1st. Restraining the Colonists from manufacturing their own iron, by erecting slitting mills, &c.

2d. Restraining the transportation, and thus the manufacturing, hats of our own peltry, &c.

3d. The grievous oppression of preventing farmers to carry their own wool even across a ferry, though the rivers, waters, havens, &c, are given us by our Charters.

4th. The changing the boundaries of Colonies, and obliging men to live under Constitutions to which they never consented, as part of Massachusetts Bay joined to New-Hampshire.

5th. The suspending the Legislative powers of New-York, by an Act of Parliament, until they should quarter troops sent to raise an illegal tribute by military execution.

6th. The memorable and detestable Stamp Act.

7th. The Parliamentary claim to make laws "binding us in all cases whatsoever," consequently, to regulate our internal police, give, take away, change, and infringe, our Constitutions and Charters, for which we have the most solemn faith of the Crown and Nation for their inviolable security.

8th. Their assuming to lay sundry taxes upon us, though self-taxation is the basis of English freedom. At the distance of three thousand miles, the Parliament arbitrarily