expediency of a general Congress, to cultivate or restore our friendship with Britain, &c., as well as to agree on a necessary non-importation Covenant; which Congress, he showed, ought to be continued in all future times. He hoped, amidst their important affairs, they would fall on some honourable and safe expedient to put an end to our African slavery, so dishonourable to us, and so provoking to the most benevolent Parent of the Universe; that this, with our luxury and irreligion, are probably the remote causes of our present alarming situation.

EXTRACT OF A LETTER FROM DEPUTY COVERNOUR PENN, TO THE EARL OF DARTMOUTH.

Philadelphia, July 30, 1774.

MY LORD: I beg leave now to acquaint your Lordship that a meeting of Deputies from the several counties of this Province was held in this city on the 15th of this month, to consider of the most proper measures to be taken in the present differences between Great Britain and the Colonies. The principal business done at this Convention was forming a set of resolves, and preparing a draught of instructions to their Representatives, which they laid before the Assembly, and immediately afterwards published them. I herewith send your Lordship the newspaper containing those resolves and instructions, as also the resolutions of the Assembly thereupon, by which your Lordship will perceive that the steps taken by the Assembly are rather a check than an encouragement to the proceedings of the Committee, and this I was well assured would be the case.

I am with great respect, &c.,

JOHN PENN.

EXTRACT OF A LETTER TO A GENTLEMAN IN NEW-YORK, DATED LONDON, JULY 30, 1774.

It is the prevailing opinion here that the Colonies mean nothing, as the arts of Administration must eventually divide you.

The large orders for goods, and the long delay of measures of resistance, give your best friends some apprehension, that you will lose the only moment which you can ever have to save America from ignominious slavery. The idea of your being stronger, and this country weaker, may be very true in fact, but not true in point of political strength. Your enemies have been imprudent enough to alarm you now—they may grow wiser hereafter—spin the snare with some art, and forever enslave you, by imperceptible steps. You will find it the language of Administration, their emissaries and subservient merchants, with whom you correspond, that if America will be quiet for the present, all will be right again. If you trust such promises you are utterly undone, and deserve the chains of tyrants I should think myself entitled to drive you like negroes or beasts of burden, if you act so weak, so contemptible a part—'tis the characteristick of the present Ministry to lie and betray—'tis the very system of the Cabinet—'tis the rule by which my Lord Bute has undone the first men in this country, and with them, this unfortunate Kingdom.

I have a thousand reasons to wish that your opposition may be an early one, as well as vigorous—the day of grace is now—it will be soon over.

EXTRACT OF A LETTER TO A GENTLEMAN IN NEW-YORK, DATED LONDON, JULY 30, 1774.

We are all in high expectations of the event of the late measures adopted respecting Boston, which carry with them rather the harsh and rigid aspect of power, than that of paternal affection, which wishes to reclaim while it chastises. The Crown has for a long time past been gaining power at the expense of the liberties of the people, by a gradual system of corruption, which the people themselves have not virtue enough to counteract. But now the strides towards despotism are enormous. I wish the Americans may be able to fall upon some prudent and effectual measures in the present important crisis. But I fear the greatest difficulty, will be in the want of an union and confidence among themselves in the different Colonies, without which any expedients they may think proper to adopt will, I fear, avail little.

EXTRACT OF A LETTER TO A GENTLEMAN IN NEW-YORK, DATED LONDON, JULY 30, 1774.

I enclose you a Bill, which will soon be a law, and which speaks the intentions of Administration stronger than I can. It is a model for all America, and certainly there is a full purpose here of executing it, if we do not, by a firm union and opposition, withstand it. A general suspension of commerce, till our grievances are redressed, is the only measure which is at once safe and sure. The question is now become of such pregnancy and magnitude, that your proceedings ought to be conducted with the greatest deliberation and gravity. It is no common issue that we are trying, as it involves the fate of uncomputed millions.

The Ministry flatter themselves, that the terrour of their measures will make all America silent and submissive. Even Lord Mansfield ventured to declare in the House of Lords that all the Colonies would return to obedience (his phrase for slavery) sine cœde. If I mistake not, he will find it difficult to keep this country quiet, under the distress a non-importation agreement will occasion. That is our strong hold, which I trust in God we shall never abandon.

Mr. Rigby, who is at the head of the Bedford people, and Sir Gilbert Elliot, who presides in the Royal junto, both declared in the House of Commons, that as soon as America was reduced to order, it was intended to tax them. You may depend upon this as a fact.

It is the opinion of your best friends here, that you should put a total stop to all commerce with this country, both exports and imports. Some would carry it so far as to stop all provisions and lumber from being sent to the West Indies. The few absolute necessaries a hardy people can want, who are contending for the dearest of all earthly blessings, their liberty, may be easily had from St. Eustatia, the French West Indies, or some part of Europe. Keep all the money you have, and pay no debts here. At the same time, by a judicious manifesto, address the British merchants, manufacturers, and your brethren in England, stating modestly your grievances, pointing out the mode of redress, and complaining of the grievous necessity you are driven to. All the Colonies, it is expected, will unite: for which end a Congress should be held as soon as possible. You may rely on it as a most certain truth, that Philadelphia, next to Boston, is to feel the severe rods of chastisement, if those now applied to Boston are patiently submitted to.

EXTRACT OF A LETTER FROM LIEUTENANT GOVERNOUR BULL TO THE EARL OF DARTMOUTH, DATED CHARLESTOWN, JULY 31, 1774.

I had expectations that the measures taken by the Parliament relative to Boston would have had some happy effect towards composing the disturbances in this Province, which seemed to have subsided a little last winter, but it has taken a contrary turn. Their own apprehensions and thoughts, confirmed by the resolutions and correspondence from other Colonies, have raised an universal spirit of jealousy against Great Britain, and of unanimity towards each other; I say universal, my Lord, for few who think otherwise are hardy enough to avow it publickly.

The general claim is exemption from taxation, but by their own Representatives, as co-essential with the British, (their own) Constitution. Some who do not enter so deep into principles, are alarmed at the consequence of a ready acquiescence under taxation by the Parliament, as they apprehend that then all the variety of ways and means of raising money in Great Britain will soon be put in practice here, and applied to purposes not merely American.

Such arguments as the last are easily understood and felt by every man, and catches like wild-fire among the multitude. They are deaf to the argument on the other side of the question, though obvious to a man of consideration, that in every Empire an absolute power must necessarily be lodged somewhere, over all the parts and members thereof, which, in Great Britain, is in the King and his Parliament. But liberty or slavery, in their greatest latitude, is the alternative generally held forth in their popular meetings, for little attention or patience is shown to those who attempt to state things in a different light