powers, his Majesty has expressly made the civil subordinate to the military. But can his Majesty thus put down all law under his feet? Can he erect a power superiour to that which erected himself? He has done it indeed by force, but let him remember that force cannot give right.
That these are our grievances, which we have thus laid before his Majesty, with that freedom of language and sentiment which becomes a free people claiming their rights as derived from the laws of nature, and not as the gift of their Chief Magistrate. Let those flatter who fear, it is not an American art. To give praise which is not due might be well from the venal, but would ill beseem those who are asserting the rights of human nature. They know, and will therefore say, that Kings are the servants, not the proprietors of the people. Open your breast, sire, to liberal and expanded thought. Let not the name of George the Third be a blot in the page of history. You are surrounded by British counsellors, but remember they are parties. You have no Ministers for American affairs, because you have none taken from among us, nor amenable to the laws on which they are to give you advice. It behooves you, therefore, to think and to act for yourself and your people. The great principles of right and wrong are legible to every reader; to pursue them requires not the aid of many counsellors. The whole art of Government consists in the art of being honest; only aim to do your duty, and mankind will give you credit where you fail. No longer persevere in sacrificing the rights of one part of the Empire to the inordinate desires of another; but deal out to all equal and impartial right. Let no Act be passed by any one Legislature which may infringe on the rights and liberties of another. This is the important post in which fortune has placed you, holding the balance of a great, if a well poised Empire.
This, sire, is the advice of your great American Council, on the observance of which may perhaps depend your felicity and future fame, and the preservation of that harmony which alone can continue, both to Great Britain and America, the reciprocal advantages of their connection. It is neither our wish nor our interest to separate from her. We are willing, on our part, to sacrifice every thing which reason can ask, to the restoration of that tranquillity for which all must wish. On their part let them be ready to establish union and a generous plan. Let them name their terms, but let them be just. Accept of every commercial preference it is in our power to give, for such things as we can raise for their use, or they make for ours. But let them not think to exclude us from going to other markets to dispose of those commodities which they cannot use, or to supply those wants which they cannot supply. Still less let it be proposed that our properties, within our own Territories, shall be taxed or regulated by any power on earth but our own. The God who gave us life gave us liberty at the same time; the hand of force may destroy but cannot disjoin them. This, sire, is our last, our determined resolution; and that you will be pleased to interpose with that efficacy which your earnest endeavours may ensure, to procure redress of these our great grievances; to quiet the minds of your subjects in British America, against any apprehensions of future encroachment; to establish fraternal love and harmony through the whole Empire, and that these may continue to the latest ages of lime is the fervent prayer of all British America.
GEORGIA.
By his Excellency Sir JAMES WEIGHT, Baronet, Captain-General, Governour and Commander-in-chief of his Majesty's Province of GEORGIA, Chancellor, Vice Admiral, and Ordinary of the same:
A PROCLAMATION
Whereas, I have received information, that on Wednesday the 27th day of July last past, a number of persons, in consequence of a printed Bill or Summons, issued or dispersed throughout the Province, by certain persons unknown, did unlawfully assemble together at the Watch-house in the town of Savannah, under colour or pretence of consulting together for the redress of publick grievances, or imaginary grievances; and that the persons so assembled for the purposes aforesaid, or some of them, are from and by their own authority, by a certain other handbill issued and dispersed throughout the Province, and other methods, endeavouring to prevail on his Majesty's liege subjects to have another meeting on Wednesday the 10th instant, similar to the former, and for the purposes aforesaid; which summonses and meetings must tend to raise fears and jealousies in the minds of his Majesty's good subjects. And whereas an opinion prevails and has been industriously propagated, that summonses and meetings of this nature are constitutional and legal; in order therefore that his Majesty's liege subjects may not be misled and imposed upon by artful and designing men, I do, by and with the advice of his Majesty's honourable Council, issue this my Proclamation, notifying that all such summonses and calls by private persons, and all assembling and meetings of the people, which may tend to raise fears and jealousies in the minds of his Majesty's subjects, under pretence of consulting together for redress of publick grievances, or imaginary grievances, ate unconstitutional, illegal, and punishable by law. And I do hereby require all his Majesty's liege subjects within this Province to pay due regard to this my Proclamation, as they will answer the contrary at their peril.
Given under my hand this fifth day of August, &c.,
JAMES WEIGHT.
By his Excellency's command,
THOMAS MOODIE, Deputy Secretary.
GOD save the King.
GEORGIA RESOLUTIONS.
Resolutions entered into at Savannah, in Georgia, on Wednesday the 10th day of August, 1774, at a General Meeting of the Inhabitants of the Province, assembled to consider the state of the Colonies in America:
Resolved, nemine contradicente, That his Majesty's subjects in America owe the same allegiance and are entitled to the same rights, privileges, and immunities with their fellow-subjects in Great Britain.
Resolved, nemine contradicente, That as protection and allegiance are reciprocal, and under the British Constitution, correlative terms, his Majesty's liege subjects in America have a clear and indisputable right, as well from the general laws of mankind, as from the ancient and established customs of the land, so often recognised, to petition the Throne upon every emergency.
Resolved, nemine contradicente, That an Act of Parliament, lately passed, for blockading the port and harbour of Boston, is contrary to our idea of the British Constitution: First, for that it in effect deprives good and lawful men of the use of their property without judgment of their peers; and secondly, for that it is in nature of an ex-post-facto law, and indiscriminately blends as objects of punishment the innocent with the guilty; neither do we conceive the same justified upon a principle of necessity; for that numerous instances evince that the laws and executive power of Boston have made sufficient provision for the punishment of all offenders against persons and property.
Resolved, nemine contradicente, That the Act for abolishing the Charter of Massachusetts Bay, tends to the subversion of American rights; for, besides those general liberties the original settlers brought over with them as their birthright, particular immunities were granted by such Charter as an inducement and means of settling the Province; and we apprehend the said Charter cannot be dissolved but by a voluntary surrender of the people, representatively declared.
Resolved, nemine contradicente, That we apprehend the Parliament of Great Britain hath not, nor ever had any right to tax his Majesty's American subjects; for it is evident beyond contradiction the Constitution admits of no taxation without representation; that they are coeval and inseparable; and every demand for the support of Government should be by requisition made to the several Houses of Representatives.
Resolved, nemine contradicente, That it is contrary to natural justice, and the established law of the land, to transport any person to Great Britain, or elsewhere, to be tried under indictment for a crime committed in any of the Colonies, as the party prosecuted would thereby be deprived of the privilege of trial by his peers from the vicinage,
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