and faithful Catholick subjects of Canada, to be formed into four regiments, and to be commanded by Frenchmen; you may guess for what purpose. But lest you should not, I will tell you, that these good subjects, and the Indians, are to be set to cut the throats of the King's disaffected subjects of the old Provinces, who sent at their own expense, twenty thousand men last war to make the Canadians subjects of the very virtuous and pious Prince George the Third. This is as true as holy writ.

I dare not tell you how I came by the knowledge of these schemes, as it would, were it discovered, prevent me from knowing and telling you more; but I hope it will rouse the people of North America to exert themselves, to convince the world that they will not wear the chains of five hundred such traitorous and haughty tyrants. Better it is, far, to be subject to any one that ever existed, who has, and can have, only his own vanity or caprice to satisfy, than to so numerous a body of needy, luxurious, mercenary rascals, who would even sell their King, could they find another to promise the addition of one hundred pound to the Chancellorship of Great Britain, or five pound to a Gentleman Usher. I cannot guess how, or by what means, you have been persuaded, in North America, that you have any friends, really so from principle, in this country. It is true some publickly declaim, and pretend to lament the situation of their brethren on the other side of the Atlantic; as they hope, being out of place, to climb up to pre ferment from espousing their quarrel. But, at the same time, I can venture to say, that there is not a person, male or female, resident in Great Britain, and contributing to its taxes, from the Lord Chancellor to the shoeblack, who does not rejoice at this exertion of power; nor is there a manufacturer in England, who does not say trade will now revive, as our American subjects will be convinced we are no longer to be trifled with, and that they will now be properly punished, if they commit riots, &c., as they will be brought here and tried for their offences, by a jury of Englishmen, who will not be so complacent to them, as the rascals in their own country were (who were all liable to be tried for treason and rebellion) with ten thousand speeches to the same effect. Now, lest you should call me a declaimer, and say I represented dangers, without telling you how to avoid them, I will give your a specifick, which, if it fails to produce an immediate and effectual cure, I will acknowledge myself a quack in politicks, and declare against any further practice in state disorders; it is a remedy easily administered, and cannot, at least to sound constitutions, be unpalatable. Moreover, it is cheap, and easily procured, so that no person need advance sixpence, or go out of his own house, to procure it, as it is only an agreement to stop all exports and imports. Enter heartily and with firmness into such an association; and bind your selves, even by an oath, not only to observe it individually, but to enforce it generally. If you do this, and these hellish Acts are not sent back to the devil in less then eight months, I will agree to be tarred and feathered, and hang ed on Liberty tree afterwards; but, if you do it not, I will venture to pronounce, and declare, that for fifty years to come, the people of North America will be the most miserable of slaves. They will hold life and property at the will and sufferance of their tyrannical and profligate oppressors. It must not, it cannot be so. Americans will be free; at least I hope so, especially as you have the means so much in your own power. They are absolutely now in your hands, and you will justly merit every oppression and insult if you throw them away.

Boston, August 18, 1774.

His Excellency Governour Gage, having signified to the Honourable John Hancock, Esq., that he had no further service for him as Colonel of the company of Cadets, the gentlemen of that corps met on Monday evening, August 14, 1774, in Boston, and chose a Committee to wait on the Governour, at Salem, and deliver him their Standard, (which he had presented to them) as they had almost unanimously disbanded themselves. The Standard was accordingly carried to his Excellency next day, which he was pleased to accept. In their address to the Governour, they say, they no longer consider themselves as the Governour's Independent Company.

SILAS DEANE TO GOVERNOUR TRUMBULL.

Wethersfield, August 16, 1774.

SIR: I shall make no apology for the trouble I am about to give you, as the publick service requires that the Representatives of this Colony should be perfectly masters, not only of the present, but past state of it, and its publick transactions. I hoped to have obtained from the Custom Houses, the number and size of the shipping, as well as a general state of the imports and exports, and accordingly applied; but they appear at present unwilling to give me any information on the subject, I suppose on account of the present situation of publick affairs, and the part I have taken therein. I conclude that some return has been made in consequence of a late requisition, and that you are possessed of it. This will perhaps answer my purpose on that head. The extracts made by your Honour from Governour Winthrop's manuscript Diary, I think may be of consequence, and therefore ask the loan of them, or such extracts or parts as you judge most deserving of notice, but I prefer the whole of what you lent me last Spring. The extracts made from the records of the United Colonies, put into my hands last February, at Hartford, and which I delivered to the Reverend Mr. Trumbull, may throw light on many of the early and important transactions of New England. These are two of the most material and certain sources of intelligence, relating to the first principles on which these Colonies were settled, and their conduct there on, and therefore wish to be possessed of them, as well as of every thing else which you can in so short a time pre pare and convey to me. The expectation I had of the plea sure of Captain Trumbull's company must excuse my not sending earlier for these papers. I have taken from the Secretary's office a copy of Charles the Second's letter, which is the only ancient authority of any consequence to the present controversy that I know of in his possession. I wish the modern ones were preserved in a different manner than what they are, or rather that they were preserved at all.

It is disagreeable to me to recriminate at any time; it is generally unavailing; and at the present time I know should not be permitted, but on certain prospect of better regulations for the future; but when I review the history and transactions of this Colony, and consider what immense sums must have been expended, not only in settling but defending this part of his Majesty's territories and the neighbouring Colonies, (I am confident, to the amount of many millions,) and can find no authentick record kept of it, I have scarce any patience left; but indignation and chagrin rise equal with my grief at so fatal an omission; especially as our enemies boldly assert that we have ex pended nothing but what we have been largely repaid for; and we have no record to contradict them. An omission of this nature in the infant state of a Colony, struggling with the hardness of a new uncultivated soil, and under continual alarms from the savages, is in a degree excusable, the more so, as they could not so much as dream of having their title to the country, and their privileges and immunities in it ever disputed by any, save an open declared enemy; but what excuse, let me ask with submission, can he made for neglecting to preserve the exact account of the charge of the last war? I was really surprised, on examining at Hartford, to find that no accounts could be procured either at the Secretary's or Treasurer's; and that I must be left to conjecture on this material point, and of course liable to contradiction beyond a possibility of sup porting any assertion on the subject. Some have thought your Honour may have the account; if so, I must pray you to send it by the bearer, with the other papers you shall favour me with. Before I dismiss this subject, on which you must excuse my freedom, give me leave to suggest to your Honour, whether it may not be a seasonable step to lay before the next Assembly the propriety, and even necessity, of preserving accounts, and the history of trans actions of this kind, in some publick office, for our own as well as the information of posterity. The Office Letters to and from the Governour, and the Journal of the House, are of more importance in my view, and will hereafter be more relied on when a reference is needed to the sense of former times, on any subject, than all the other records put together; yet neither of these are preserved in any office, nor indeed any where else, that I can find; at least, they