lick amused with partial and unfair representations of things. Will any man, acquainted with our late publications, and the popular transactions in this city, be so hardy as to assert, that the freedom of the press here has not been interrupted by the illegal menaces and arbitrary frowns of a prevailing party, to the exclusion of an honest, unprejudiced, and unawed investigation of the question, so necessary to be clearly understood in its true light—in which every freeman in America is so nearly concerned, and into which he has an undoubted right, with British boldness, to exercise the freedom of inquiry? Those writers who have appeared to treat the subject with an aspect of fair and disinterested examination, have yet seemed to allow themselves to suppress momentous truths, under the general notion, that the truth is not to be spoken at all times. Those who enjoy the sweet solace of the conscious uprightness of their own hearts; who are actuated by the ennobling principles of goodwill to men; delighting in the peaceful pleasures of social kindness, and the harmony of civil order, are not easily provoked into publick contest, being generally over-backward in opposing the spreading influence of parties, composed of forward and assuming spirits, who are ever ready to bestow on themselves all the honours due to publick merit. It is no slight proof of the excellency of Virtue, that among the number of those unhappy men who undermine her interests and slight her salutary rules, very few are to be found who do not seek her name as a sanctuary of their forfeited honour and labour to cover themselves with some artificial and specious likeness of her; her name has been pompously sounded amongst us; how many have sung plaudits to true virtue, while they were mocking her with offerings abhorrent to nature? How many who are practically disclaiming her influence, are yet ridiculously blowing the trumpet of their own praise, with hollow sounds of their reverence and zeal for virtue? Would to God we had a more just title to virtue, and that we were more generally honest in seeking a portion of inheritance in this durable substance! A little attention to this subject must make any one, capable of rational reflection, serious; and incline them to join with me in this desire for my country. For I would not offer such an affront to your understandings, my fellow-Americans, as to suppose you are yet to be informed that after every subtile political refinement has had full examination and experiment, honesty, truth, and integrity in individuals, must be recurred to as the sure ground-work of a right publick spirit; and in all matters, both of a private and publick nature, will, most certainly be found the very best of all policy: "Righteousness exalteth a Nation;" but sordid guile and treacherous double-dealing, bring shame upon any people, and have a direct tendency to weaken and render fruitless their most Strenuous efforts in support of their invaded rights. Let us not mistake a partial, vindictive virulence of spirit, for the generous warmth and sober firmness of an honest love for our country, grounded on the equitable base of justice and constitutional right; let us not forget that we are, (by profession at least) Christians, and that that most excellent law of universal obligation is binding on us: "Whatever ye would that others should do unto you, do ye even so unto them," Come, fellow-citizens! my countrymen, come!—let us step a little aside from the broad way of popular confusion, into the retired and much unfrequented walk of Christian circumspection; let us question ourselves with an earnest sincerity: what have we been about? What are we doing? Has the false fire of Faction yet enough spent itself, and subsided, to admit a supposition, that we may have been grossly imposed on, amused, abused, and misled by dishonest pretensions to patriotism and zeal for the publick good? Conscious of the uprightness of my concern for the honour of my country, I dare suppose that such is really our case. I desire not, for the gratification of any party spleen, or personal disaffection, to accuse a single man of my fellow-Americans; far be it from me to delight in passing, wantonly and unnecessarily, harsh censures on any; but I claim it as the right of every freeman to question the expediency of placing publick confidence in such unsound politicians as have been principally instrumental in exposing us to the hand of oppression, both Ministerial, Parliamentary, and popular, and who, by preferring money and popularity before honesty, have made it their interest to lead us out of the path of order and honour.

The progress of population, agriculture, commerce, opulence, and science in America, has been truly astonishing; a land of liberty and plenty, situate between the extremes of heat and cold, abounding with commodious rivers and harbours, where maritime cities afford a perpetual increasing nursery for seamen; but unhappily this has become too generally a school of corruption. Many of our merchants, not content with the moderate profits of lawful trade, have submitted to be the slaves of an exorbitant thirst of gain, and enriched themselves by defrauding the Crown of its revenue. This traffick has amazingly increased within these twenty years past, numbers becoming more reconciled to it by example, habit, and custom, and have gradually consented to amuse themselves with some very superficial arguments in its favour, such as that every man has a natural right to exchange his property with whom he pleases, and where he can make the most advantage of it; that there is no injustice in the nature of the thing, being no otherwise unlawful than as the partial restrictions of power have made it so; arguments which may be, and are adopted in extenuation of many other disorderly and pernicious practices. But do not these reasoners seem implicitly to adopt Butler's ludicrous hint, and apply it as a serious moral truth:

"The imposer of the oath 'tis breaks it;
Not he who for convenience takes it."

I will not here insist on the obligation of that gospel precept which enjoins us to submit to every ordinance of man for conscience sake; trade and civil regulation here being too much under the influence of buccaneering policy, to expect the favourers of contraband traffick should pay any regard to Christian maxims; and because it might lead into a controversy respecting the strict and literal observance of that precept in all cases; though I confess, if applied to the matter before us, I cannot see how its force can be fairly eluded; neither will I undertake to travel into those dark mazes of confused reasoning, which, founded on false policy, suppose the acquisition of wealth to a state, how ever obtained, is its chief good; but rather lament, that this net of wretched sophistry has so miserably entangled the understandings of too many amongst us. It is sufficient to observe (and here I am sure of being upon safe and incontrovertible ground) that that pursuit of gain is a most iniquitous one, which cannot be prosecuted without incurring the guilt of perjury, and a train of corrupt and fraudulent practices—and that a trade, unavoidably attended with such diabolical circumstances, as directly tend to sap the foundation of morality in the minds of the people, and introduce in the community a vicious dissoluteness of manners, is more dreadful in its nature and effects, than the most that can be apprehended from Ministerial machinations. Ye virtuous parents who feel the influence of a rational tenderness for your offspring, attend to the generous emotions of sympathy, and consider, religiously consider, the melancholy prospect of that father and mother, who, having a son in whom appears a strong bias to, and a genius for a seafaring life, are about to fix him in that occupation for a livelihood! It is an opinion but too justly founded, that the unrestrained course of this dishonest dealing hath excited the politicians of Britain to meditate on the most effectual means to shackle American trade, and lay even internal burthens on American backs; is it to be wondered at, that it should have such an effect? In Great Britain, where smuggling is attended with no greater, I believe with a much less-degree of guilt, the law of the land ranks those desperate votaries of Mammon with shop lifters and pickpockets; but what is their rank among us? What is their influence on our publick affairs? A powerful influence generally attends the possession of wealth, and where that wealth is obtained at the expense of conscience it creates a separate interest incompatible with the publick weal, and introduces a very dangerous power, a power in the hands of the wicked, which, if not restrained by the righteous exertions of just law, must make the land to mourn. Have we not just cause to mourn that "Our dealers have dealt treacherously, yea very treacherously," and had a principal share in bringing the present load of difficulty (might I not add disgrace) upon their country? Where is the Government on this side the Atlantic which has offered the least restraint or discouragement to their evil doing? It must be strange blindness and depravity indeed, in any to pretend this is not a crying grievance,