the ardous task, unborn millions will either bless or execrate your names.

JUBA.

QUERIES PROPOSED TO AMERICA.

Philadelphia, September, 1774.

1st. Whether the restraint laid by the People of Virginia on their Delegates, with respect to the article of Non-exportation, does not tend to render the Congress totally ineffectual; as every other Province must have an equal right to restrict their respective Delegates in any particular article which they may suppose will affect them: for instance, Pennsylvania might restrain them in the article of non-importation of Cloth; New-York of Hats and Tea; New England of Flannels and Calicoes; in short, each Province making its particular exceptions, they leave a door open to the admittance of every article of commerce which Great Britain or the India Company has to export.

2d, Whether there is not the strongest reason to suppose that the Ministry have taken precaution to counteract, or at least to weaken, the operation of simple Non-importation, consequently that a Non-importation Resolve, simply, will answer no purpose?

3d. Whether it is not almost, universally allowed, and whether all accounts from England do not agree, that a Non-exportation to the West India Islands would be the most certain and rapid means of obtaining redress?

4th. Whether (this being granted) there is any reason to believe that the people are so wanting in publick spirit as not to abide by this Resolve if the Congress enters into it? or, whether this notion, of the people's want of publick spirit to abide by it, is not endeavoured to be propagated by Merchants interested, in the commerce, in order to divert the Congress from this most effectual Resolve?

5th. Whether the manifest, and, indeed, the avowed intention of the Quebec Bill, is not to make use of the Canadians as instruments for the enslavement of the British Colonies?

6th. Whether General Carleton will not embody and discipline a formidable number for this purpose, and immediately?

7th. Whether it is not necessary that some force should, without loss of time, be prepared to resist them?

8th. Whether the Militia, on its present footing, can be depended upon?

9th. Whether if the Militia (established as it is) cannot be depended upon, some other mode should not be adopted?

10th. Whether, from the apparent spirit prevalent in the commonalty of this Continent, there is not the strongest reason to believe that they would submit themselves to a temporary Meeting Act; that is, that each man would, for a time, cede a portion of his individual liberty for the security of the rest?

1lth. Whether, if this spirit really exists in the people, it would not be wise to avail ourselves of it, and obtain their assent to laws necessary for the maintenance of that order and discipline without which no defence can be made?

12th. Whether, as it is most certain the consent of the Governours of the respective Provinces will not be obtained to such laws, the people may not, antecedent to all written Statutes, that is, a law of God, nature, and self-defence, enact them by their own authority.

13th. Whether a fund necessary for the support of a body of Troops, sufficient to repel an invasion from Canada, should not be immediately prepared?

14th. Whether the apprehension of further irritating the Ministry, by such a measure, is not childish and absurd, as it is manifest they cannot be more hostile to America than they are at present?

15th. Whether it is not more rational to work on the fears of such a Ministry, than to dread an increase of their animosity?

16th. Whether a conduct so becoming men, struggling in the cause of liberty, would not make an impression advantageous to the Americans on the minds of the people of England, who (however they may be deluded for a time) are undoubtedly an honest, generous, brave people, and enthusiastick admirers of those who vigorously defend their rights and liberties?

17th. Whether the obtaining the good opinion of the people of England does not promise more solid advantages to the cause of America than she can possibly flatter herself with from a Petition and Address to the King and Parliament—one of which is inveterately obstinate In the pursuit of despotism, the other notoriously abandoned, by corruption, to all virtue, feeling, and shame?

18th. Whether, therefore, a sensible, manly, brave Remonstrance from the People of America to the People of England, setting forth their rights, as men and fellow-subjects, and asserting their resolution to defend them, would not be productive of better effects than any Petition or Address to such a King, and such a Parliament?

TO THE PEOPLE OF AMERICA.

Boston, September, 1774.

As every individual of British America must be vastly interested in the Resolutions of the approaching Congress, it cannot be thought foreign to any person's own concerns, if he communicates his sentiments to them. Numbers of persons have given their opinions on this occasion, and the Congress doubtless have a right to expect the best thoughts of every one on the subject. Among the various opinions delivered on this occasion, the following seem to be the most worthy of notice:

I. A Petition or Remonstrance to Parliament against their late Acts, with a decent and firm declaration of the rights and liberties of the Americans.

II. A suspension of Trade with Great Britain till the said Acts be repealed.

III. A suspension of all our Trade with Great Britain, Ireland, and the West Indies, till said Acts be repealed.

I design to consider each of these, with their probable effects; premising these three things: 1. That the said Acts sap, to the very foundation, every principle of American liberty. 2. That all England are united in enforcing those Acts; and, 3. That, therefore, the Americans ought to adopt such measures as will most effectually prevent their operation, and effect their repeal, in the speediest manner that can be devised?

I. As to the first, I have the following objections to presenting any Petitions or Remonstrances to the British Parliament:

1. They will not acknowledge the Congress to be any legal body or proper representative of America; and, therefore, any Petition will be loss of labour, and loss of time, without effecting our deliverance.

2. The substance of the Petition will be highly disgusting to them; for, couch it in the softest terms possible, yet the plain English of it must be, that they have made the said Acts without any right or authority, and if their authority had been good, yet the said Acts are in their nature unjust and wicked, and the Americans will plague and distress Great Britain, in every way possible, till they are repealed, which is so extremely contrary to the present sentiments of Great Britain, that little advantage is to be expected therefrom.

3. Any kind of declaration of our rights and liberties, will bring the question of American rights into view, and make it the yest of a dispute, which can never be determined; for, it is certain, the Americans never will acknowledge the legislative and taxing power of the British Parliament, nor will the British Parliament ever relinquish that claim. All we can expect is, that the British Parliament will, on some prudential considerations, suspend the exercise of it; not that they will give up the principle. This question, therefore, ought, by all means, to be kept out of sight, because there is no hopes of its being ever settled, and any discussions of it will certainly widen the breach.

4. If the British Parliament should consent to enter into treaty with us on the subject of American rights, (which I think not at all probable,) yet we have by no means an equal chance with them in the treaty, for they will plead at ease, but we must plead in pain. Whilst we are in treaty with them, we feel the pain of our Ports shut; our right and property in wharves, landings, bills of lading, charter parties, &c., vacated; our Charter grossly violated; and liberties lost; they, on the other hand, are at ease, and in full triumph over our fortunes, liberties, and lives.