this country, many of which, of one sort or other, I conceive, may be raised here. Nothing that is said at present can palliate; conciliation, moderation, reasoning, is over; nothing can be done but by forcible means.

I transmit your Lordship a minute of Council, and copies of attested papers and letters.

A vast concourse of people assembled this day, from various parts, about eight miles from this; they have frightened and pursued many obnoxious people, as they term them; nobody has asked assistance, and I have just received a letter from Mr. Oliver, the Lieutenant Governour, to beg 1 would, on no account, send any troops there, for that it would prove fatal to him.

Mr Simpson, another Counsellor, has just resigned.

EXTRACT OF A LETTER FROM THE HONOURABLE GOVERNOUR GAGE TO THE EARL OF DARTMOUTH, DATED BOSTON, SEPTEMBER 3, 1774.

In my letter of yesterday I just made mention of a letter in the moment received from Lieutenant Governour Oliver. That gentleman came to me yesterday about noon, and acquainted me that a number of people had passed his house in Cambridge, going into that town, which is about eight miles from this; but that he had talked to them, and they listened to his advice, to be quiet and re turn peaceably home, which they promised to do without making any disturbance. It was supposed they assembled in order to force Messrs. Danforth and Lee to resign their seats in Council, which they had done the day before, and on account of some ammunition belonging to the Province, in the Arsenal in Cambridge, which I had before sent a detachment to secure, and lodged it in Castle William. It was therefore concluded, that all objects being removed, for that they were satisfied of his being in the Council, as he was at the same time Lieutenant Governour, the people would immediately go away; and he therefore begged I would not think of ordering any troops there, as there would be no occasion for it, and it could only be productive of mischief. Some hours afterwards, three of the Commissioners of the Customs passed through Cambridge; saw great numbers of people assembled, but no noise, and no great insult offered them; but one of them, viz: Mr. Hallowell, against whom some of the chiefs of this place are piqued, sent people after him, and he was pursued almost to this town; persons were sent out, and returned with the report that all was quiet near the town, and no numbers seen. I expected to hear from the Sheriff, Mr. Phips, if any thing extraordinary happened at Cambridge, but received no further advice, till near six in the evening, when the letter which I have mentioned, and enclose, was brought me from the Lieutenant Governour, about which time the insurgents had finished their business, and went off, after forcing him to resign his seat in Council. I have found since, that when Mr, Oliver came first to me, it was in consequence of the people's desire, and of their assurances that no disturbance or violence would happen; and he was so confident in their promises, and of his own influence over them, as to go back to Cambridge, and in his way met the Sheriff, whom he persuaded to go with him. They thus both fell into the snare; for they obliged the Sheriff to sign a paper, as well as Mr. Oliver.

LETTER FROM A MEMBER OF PARLIAMENT TO COLONEL CHARLES LEE, DATED LONDON, SEPTEMBER 3, 1774.

I received your long letter with great pleasure, and will answer it as fully as I am able. You must have misunderstood me, in what I said of the Bill to alter the Massachusetts Government, if you imagined I had either concurred in, or even forborne to express my fullest disapprobation of it, when it was depending in the House. The fact is so much otherwise, that I fought it through every stage, almost alone, when most of the Opposition were attending the New-Market meeting or other occupations, equally entitled to be preferred to that duty. I may have said indeed, that I prefer the form of the English Government, to that of any other country upon earth, because it appears to me most calculated to reconcile necessary restraint and natural liberty, and to draw the line between them. It is the Government 1 was born under, I am happy to live under, and would willingly die to preserve and transmit entire; but I look upon the first principle of that Constitution to be, that the whole must be governed by the will of the whole; and that any Government where the authority residing with the few is supported by any other power than that of the many, in consequence of their free concurrence and full approbation, is the worst of tyranny. Judge then, my dear friend, whether I could approve of tearing from a free and happy people that form of Government which had been purchased with the blood, and established by the wisdom of their ancestors; and of subverting that excellent polity, endeared to them by their prosperity, and sanctified by the most laudable of human predilections, a veneration for their ancestors, and an enthusiasm for the permanence of their liberties. Nolumus Leges Anglice mutari, was the noblest expression that ever bore testimony to the spirit of a free Legislature. I think it as laudable at Boston now, as it was in London some centuries ago. So far I stand upon the ground of natural right and manly feeling—thus much I say because—Homo sum—but to descend to the humbler ground of policy, nothing can be so absurd or impolitick, as to shake a frame sanctified by long possession, for the caprice of a moment, or the fancies of a few; to sacrifice the wisdom of ages to the presumption of an hour; and to divert the stream of Government, which has fertilized the country, and enriched the people, by channels which it has gradually formed for itself, by surmounting or eluding all the obstacles it has met with in its course, from those channels, by dams raised by strange hands unacquainted with the country, which if they are not borne down by the torrent, must deluge the country, and destroy the ancient land-marks. If, therefore, 1 prefer in speculation the Government of Virginia to that of Massachusetts Bay, it is not from thinking that what appears best in the abstract, should be imposed on all; on the contrary, I am convinced that the minds of individuals and the manners of a people form and adapt themselves naturally and imperceptibly to the mode of Government under which they are born. The modifications of municipal institutions are in themselves indifferent, provided they are approved by the people; but it is of the essence of freedom, and common to all free Governments, that the people should be convinced the laws they live under are of their own choosing, and that there is no power on earth that can prolong their existence, or give force to their injunctions one hour after the disapprobation of the mass of the people is signified.

I have been the more full upon this subject, because I would not willingly be mistaken in my principles in so material a point. Now I am upon the subject of Massachusetts, I cannot help expressing my surprise that you should have been so far misinformed, as to have believed that I, amongst the rest, could speak with "approbation of that scoundrel Hutchinson;" so far from it, that I agree with you in the epithet, and was the only person in the House that declared my detestation of his character, and my conviction that his whole conduct had been that of a parricide, who had attempted to ruin his country, to serve his own little narrow selfish purposes. This I did in such pointed terms, that I was informed he had afterwards waited upon a friend of mine, who did not see his character in so just a light, to thank him for what he was pleased to call defending him against me. Be assured I shall never speak well of a man who recommends an abridgment of English liberties in any part of the globe where one spark remains unsmothered by corruption, and unextinguished by violence.

As to the Quebec Bill, I can with pleasure, assure you, that I opposed it with activity throughout; and though I could not overset it, I was at least fortunate enough to set a defined bound to despotism; and say, so far shalt thou go, and no further, by drawing the line which protected New-York and Pennsylvania; though I have since been told that Burke takes the merit to himself, but upon what grounds I know not, as I proposed the line without any communication with him.

As to myself I am out of Parliament, without any prospect of being in; and though I should have thought it in famous to have deserted my post and not endeavoured to get in, yet I hardly can say that I much regret being out, there is so little prospect of doing good. Yours, &c.