London, September 3, 1774.

By the general concord and union of our fellow-subjects in America, and by the Solemn League and Covenant they have entered into, to defend, support, and maintain their Charters, rights, and liberties, it is very plain that their publick virtue is not vitiated, nor their morals and principles corrupted and debauched; and therefore it may be clearly foreseen, that the attack now made upon them will fail, and will redound to their honour, and to the disgrace, if not punishment, of those who planned it. It is absolutely impossible to enslave millions of people possessing such immense territories, who are resolved at all risks and hazards to defend their rights and freedom; for while they retain such a virtuous publick spirit they will be invincible. Our arbitrary Minister having fully experienced the infamous corruption and total defect of all publick spirit in the majority of the Representatives of Old England, was probably led to imagine that the people were as corrupt and void of all publick virtue in the New; but in this he hath found himself egregiously mistaken. It now appears that our American brethren have a just value for their freedom, and are determined to support it; far from submitting to the attempt upon it, they have set us a glorious example for uniting in defence of our rights and liberties at home, and not to suffer them either to be taken from us by force, or stolen from us by fraud; and surely the people of Eng land are not yet so totally sunk in dissipation, so debilitated by luxury, or vitiated by corruption, as not to perceive the indispensable duty and moral rectitude of their conduct, and to strive to imitate their illustrious precedent. It is therefore to be hoped that all honest Englishmen, all un-corrupted freemen and lovers of their country, will join hand and heart together, and enter into one common association to defend and support at the ensuing general election, that great right of the people, the making of their own laws, and which can no ways be maintained but by a free and uncorrupt choice of persons to represent them in Parliament. All the evils of the Nation, and all the grievances which the people now groan under, arise from corrupt and dishonest Representatives in Parliament; from having such persons therein, as have no kind of regard for the rights and interest of the people; as takes away every idea of a national representation, and turns such an Assembly into a meeting of the creatures of the Crown, wherein the people of England are no more essentially represented than the people of America.

EXTRACT OF A LETTER FROM LONDON, TO A CORRESPONDENT IN NEW-YORK, DATED SEPTEMBER 3, 1774.

The tools of Administration are at present more than usually calm; a calm that perhaps may be only a prelude to a storm. They are anxiously waiting to hear the result of the Congress, and, judging the Americans by them selves, were so sanguine in their expectations that the terrour of their armaments would frighten you into submission to their edicts, that they cannot yet erase the idea, but still expect you to beg mercy, cap in hand. An express was sent to General Amherst, who had a private conference, but the result is not known. It is said that it was proposed to him to go with one thousand Hanoverians to America, or the third regiment of the Guards, &c., and that Sir William Draper is appointed a Governour, and is going with troops (it is supposed) to New-York. Mansfield is gone to Finance, many think to concert measures with the French Court against America, or to bring in the Pretender. It is whispered that the friends at Court will themselves invite him, and lay the blame on the Americans. A similar conduct has been pursued with regard to the Indians, and with some of your Colony disputes about patents and boundaries.

Many of your friends here are horribly afraid that some of the baits laid by the Ministry to enslave you will succeed. It is said many of your leading men will be tempted by lucrative places, as agents or contractors for Government, in the purchase of wheat and other necessary articles; which, besides raising domestick enemies (the most dangerous of any) among yourselves, will answer the double purpose of reducing you to poverty, (in the midst of plenty) and then to slavery. Besides, it is proposed to lay many tempting advantages in the way of those who join in the scheme from which all others are to be excluded; in short, your virtue will be tried to the utmost, by those whose long practice and experience in all the arts of corruption will be but too likely to ensure them success, and will make it necessary to exert your utmost vigilance to guard against deception, and especially that you be not betrayed by those in whom you may confide amoung yourselves.

Your Committee disputes have been published in all the papers, over and over, and have been disadvantageous to your cause. Lord Chatham, and all your friends, are anxiously concerned at your critical situation; but your unanimity, and the spirit and propriety of your resolutions, rejoiced the heart of every friend to constitutional freedom, and has done the highest honour to America. Maintain your firmness and unanimity, and depend upon Heaven for success; hope nothing from the people here—but if you persevere, we shall soon join you by thousands; more and more daily espouse your cause, and, I believe it will shortly be as much ours as yours. It will not be worth while to send here any Deputies from the Congress—they would only be insulted and treated with contempt; but at home they may do all the business effectually. 1 expect fifteen hundred respectable people, of considerable property, will shortly remove to reside in America; but the Ministry, in order to discourage emigration, are endeavouring to make living there as uneasy as it is here.

EXTRACT OF A LETTER FROM LONDON, DATED SEPTEMBER 4, 1774.

The unanimity of the Colonies is an honour to your cause, and will make even your enemies respect you. The most embittered advocates for tyranny cannot help approving a love of liberty, and an undaunted sacrifice of every subordinate advantage for its support and preservation. Be as a body animated with one soul. Be firm and steady in all your operations; but, as you love liberty, as you wish success to its cause, as you desire to have your present struggle applauded through Europe, let your measures be concerted in a calm, open, and temperate manner. Riot and tumult will be construed as marks that your opposition proceeds from licentiousness, and of consequence that your cause is only supported by the multitude. Zeal and temper blended will discover a fixed and stationary love of freedom, not the mad impulses and ragings of passions. Let not any of your resolves, and if possible none of your productions, contain harsh reflections against Great Britain. Such heated publications alienate from you the affections of the people in England, and lead them to think you enemies to the name of Briton; whereas by mild and distinguishing measures you may gain them to your favour.

Petition and remonstrance seem to me the most probable mode of succeeding. Administration will be willing to come to an amicable settlement and adjustment of the bounds of your privileges, and the authority of Parliament, provided it might be done with safety to the dignity of Government. Is it not more reasonable, as well as more prudent, to attempt a settlement of your contradictory claims by treaty than by violence? Violence, if attended with success on either side will be injurious to both. An Englishman will reason that, though an American could not be justly taxed without the consent of the Representative, yet such a plea will not excuse him in destroying the property of any individual or body of Englishmen; that the India Company should, therefore, be indemnified by the Bostonians, and submission made for the insult offered to Government. To assert that this would be giving up the point in dispute, is the most ridiculous position that ever dropped from the pen of a raving politician. Is the making restitution for another's property destroyed, a concession of right in the injured party to tax you without your consent? Is the making a due submission and acknowledgment, when you have done wrong, to give Government a precedent of taxation without representation? These ideas have no more agreement than the paying a lawful debt has to that of being a slave, or a French horn to a hasty pudding.

Such pretences as these disgrace your cause, and give your enemies ground of triumph. While you contend against the injustice of others give a noble instance of your readiness to do justice, even to your enemies.