ance on Tuesday, the said 15th day of November next. And we, being desirous and resolved, as soon as may be, to meet our people and to have their advice in Parliament, do hereby make known to all our loving subjects our royal will and pleasure to call a new Parliament. And do here by further declare, that with the advice of our Privy Council, we have this day given order to our Chancellor of Great Britain to issue out writs in due form for calling a new Parliament, which writs are to bear test on Saturday the first of October next, and to be returnable on Tuesday the 29th of November following.

Given at our Court at St. James's, the 30th of September, 1774, in the fourteenth year of our reign.

GOD save the King.

Philadelphia, October 1, 1774.

Among the variety of means that have been proposed for obtaining a repeal of the three Boston Bills, (as they are called,) and the Tea Act, a general non-remittance is one. This proposal stands condemned by many, merely from its supposed injustice. It may, perhaps, with some propriety, be compared to a sheep in a wolf's coat; and if so, the general disapprobation it has met with is not at all to be admired at. We are apt to judge from appearances, without sufficiently examining the nature and merits of the cause; and our prejudices frequently lead us into hasty and wrong conclusions. Thus, a sheep in a wolf's coat, how ever harmless and useful the animal might be, would probably, on its first appearance, be condemned and destroyed. And as we are all, from our cradles, prejudiced against and taught to detest the fraudulent withholding of a debt, there fore, whatever bears such appearance, though, perhaps, from certain concomitant circumstances rendered perfectly just, shall, like the sheep in the wolf's coat, be instantly condemned.

In order, however, a little to divest ourselves of this prejudice, let us suppose that two neighbours, A and B, for instance, have dealt together and supported a good understanding many years; but that A, at length, takes it in his head, without any cause or provocation, to seize and detain one of B's children, with a design to enslave it; that B is at this time one hundred pounds in debt to A, and has no way to prevail on him to relinquish his child, but by withholding payment till he does; and then ask yourselves seriously, whether, in this case, it would really be unjust to withhold payment; or rather, whether the purest laws of God and nature, would not absolutely en join and require it? Must not the parent who would voluntarily, in such case, put the means of his child's redemption out of his power, for only the frivolous purpose, comparatively speaking, of paying a debt, be totally destitute of the generous feelings of compassion, or utterly ignorant of the real value of liberty.

But the people of Great Britain, (among whom our creditors are included,) are not only endeavouring to en slave our children, but enslave us also. The means we see are already contrived, and with horrid force carrying into execution. And if to obtain freedom for an individual, a just debt ought to be withheld, surely to obtain it for and secure it to millions, will justify an act of the same nature. If payment in that case would have been criminal, must it not be infinitely more so in this? Where so great and general a good is depending, to give up any part of the means requisite for obtaining it, must approach near to unpardonable.

I said the people of Great Britain are endeavouring to enslave us. I consider their conduct in that light. The Acts which have that tendency were passed by their Deputies-by their servants, and they have not so much as remonstrated against them. Their silence; is an evidence of consent. But we have further evidence. Our friends in Parliament, by way of complaint, openly declared that the people of that country approve those measures, and wish to see them carried into execution as much as the majority of that House. The Minister might invent, and the Parliament might enact, but it is the people that are to support and enforce them.

It is, therefore, Great Britain, in her collective capacity, that we have to dispute with; which seems to render the most general and powerful mode of opposition that we can possibly devise and carry into execution, consistent with the laws of God and our country, absolutely necessary. Partial measures, it is true, may irritate-they may distress and even ruin many individuals, both at home and here; but an arbitrary Minister, with a venal Parliament at his heels, will easily brave the storm of their resentment. Whereas, if we adopt measures that will send distress to every part of the whole Empire, our enemies must soon yield to the force of our argument. Here, I presume, will be the time for us to remonstrate; to send the mother country a state of our grievances, with a boundary line sketched out between her power and our own. Being convinced of her errour in supposing herself omnipotent, she may, perhaps, have an ear to hear, and a heart to yield to right reason.

Nor can I but be of opinion, that we shall stand firmer to our engagements, in a short, general, and vigorous op position, that will diffuse its burden and loss upon us all, than in a partial lingering one, borne only by a few. To throw the whole burden of the contest on our dry goods merchants, appears too replete with injustice to bear a vindication. If we all wish to partake of the advantage, let us all be willing to pay a part of the price.

The farmer, who insists that the dry goods merchant shall cease to import, though the measure should even deprive him of bread; and yet, through fear of some frivolous loss to himself, very wisely protests against non-exportation, certainly merits the utmost contempt. Nor does the farmer, in this case, stand alone. The miller lays claim to publick spirit; talks loudly for liberty; and also insists upon a non-importation; and in order to enforce the scheme upon the merchant, will readily agree to a general non-consumption; but no sooner is non-exportation sounded in his ear, than his mighty publick spirit, like Milton's devils at their Pandemonium consultation, is instantly dwarfed. "My interest, sir! I cannot part with that! Alas! if a general non-exportation takes place, what shall I do with my mill?"

Liberty is, in this good man's opinion, a Goddess, and he passionately wishes to live under the benign influence of her smiles; and yet, rather than forego the profits of his mill for the space of a year, this goddess of his may perish, and his country be bound in ever-during chains of slavery' Oh! shameful partiality! Shameful meanness! Such selfish souls even taint the very air they breathe in; their disorder is infectious and spreads among the people; our councils are enfeebled by the schisms they produce; and the laudable spirit of liberty is sickened by their breath.

We have, however, farmers and millers who breathe forth sentiments of a different nature; and who well de serve to be ranked with the foremost of our patriots.

Soon after William the Third came to the Crown of Great Britain, there appeared divisions amongst the people respecting his right. The Parliament empowered him to borrow money on his revenues; and the advice of his friends was, borrow what you can; the more you borrow the more friends you make; interest is a stronger tie than principle. The King took their advice, and soon secured in his favour the moneyed part of the Nation.

The same reason will operate in favour of non-remittance. The more we owe the British merchants, the more they will exert themselves in our behalf. In proportion to the debt, it will ever be their interest to ward off such measures as may tend to work our ruin, or cause us to revolt. But the moment we pay them their demands, we release them from this obligation; and, in some degree, set them at liberty to unite with our enemies in working our ruin. They may, perhaps, find other customers for their goods; but the debts we owe them they can never expect to receive from any other quarter; and, therefore, should we be drove to the utmost extremity, they are sure of losing the whole. Nor will this loss affect them only, for it must very sensibly affect the Nation in general.

It is I know said, that some of these creditors are our friends; and that it would be unjust to do any thing tending to injure them. But then it is also said, and as truly, that necessity has no law. We are, indeed, very sorry that British measures have laid us under the disagreeable necessity of using means of opposition injurious to British merchants; and more especially such as are really our friends. But 1 know of no law either moral or divine, that