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enemies to complete their works, and so far effect their dangerous purpose, that resistance would finally be in vain?
"MEMORANDUMS FOR A REPORT.—We have agreeably to your commands viewed and inquired what cover can be hired, with the consent of the proprietors, for the troops next winter.
"We find that out-houses, distilleries and store houses can be hired to contain the Sergeants &c., and private men of four regiments. That as these want fire-places, windows, and even floors, the expense of setting up these, and for rent and returning them in the condition they now stand, will be nearly to one thousand pounds a regiment. This expense would be greatly lessened, and the troops more comfortably quartered, if the publick buildings, such as the manufacturing house, &c., can be appropriated for the accommodation of the troops.
"It appears that barracks can be built on a more thrifty footing than they can be hired, and fitted up. But as nobody in this place will aid such works, Captain Montrefor with the assistance he can at present depend upon, thinks he cannot undertake to furnish barracks before the end of November, for more than three regiments; the officers of one of these regiments to be quartered.
"It appears, on inquiry, difficult to find houses for quartering officers of the regiments, whose private men are to be lodged in out-houses; lodging money should he given to officers whom we cannot provide for.
"In choosing situations for barracks to be built, it might be wished to place them so as to make the present erection part of some general plan that may be formed, with a view of commanding the obedience of the town on future occasions; but if they are confined to situations where the ground is reputed to belong to the publick, we would propose to build barracks for two regiments, including officers, on the Common, or on a field near it, which could be hired or purchased from Mr. Brattle.
"To put two companies into a solid barrack or block house, on the top of Bacon Hill, which should be enclosed with a trench and pallisade.
"A barrack should be built on Fort Hill, which might lodge eight companies and the Artillery.
"As soon as it is proper to let each regiment have its quarters, their efforts to get themselves lodged would contribute greatly to have the work finished early."
TO THE INHABITANTS OF NEW-YORK.
New-York, October 6, 1774.
It has been clearly and fully proved that the Assemblies or Parliaments of the British Colonies in America have an exclusive right, not only of taxation, but of legislation also; and that the British Parliament, so far from having a right to make laws binding upon those Colonies in all cases whatsoever, has really no just right to make any laws at all binding upon the Colonies.
Yet, notwithstanding this inherent right of the Colonies, and their having, by their Representatives, actually asserted their sole right of taxation, the writers in favour of the British Administration generally take for granted the right of Great Britain as claimed by her Parliament, and emphatically call that Administration Government. One who styles himself a New-York Freeholder, is of that class. In Mr. Gaine's paper of 19th September, after painting the honours of a civil war, he asserts, that "America is now threatened with a civil war," which he seems to confound with a foreign invasion; for he presently terms it entering "into a war with Great Britain." As he has displayed his eloquence in describing the calamities of a civil war, it would have been but fair in him, with equal elegance, to have painted the miseries of slavery; for the Americans can be no other than slaves, in the most absolute sense, if a British or any foreign power has a right to their all. I shall, without attempting a description of the honours of slavery, only observe, that even a civil war, which is the most cruel of all wars, is a less evil than slavery; for that can be only temporary, but slavery, once established, becomes an entail upon posterity, perhaps perpetual; and certainly that evil which is entailed for generations is more to be dreaded than an evil that in its nature can be only for a time; nor does a civil war always terminate in tyranny. If it was fatal to the liberties of Rome, it was propitious of those of England. The Romans contended for ambitious citizens, the English for their liberties.
After alarming us with the miseries of civil war, he would terrify us with the power of Great Britain. I believe no one doubts the naval power of Great Britain being very great. They may beat down all the sea-port towns which are accessible to large ships; a French fleet may do the same, though they have not so formidable a fleet as the English. But to what purpose? Will the destroying one or more towns on the sea-coast give any Nation the possession of this country without the consent of the inhabitants? If it will not, to what end destroy? This is really describing the British Nation as more cruel than any of their neighbours, contrary to their natural character. For since the reformation of manners in Europe, I don't recollect an instance of a declared enemy destroying open towns by any of their Princes. This is a piece of barbarity that some bucaniers have exercised upon the Spanish settlements in America, but surely they are not an example to one of the first Kingdoms in Europe. But supposing an event so unlikely to happen, the consequences are not so much to be dreaded as slavery. Earthquakes, hurricanes, conflagrations, are terrible things, and produce still more dire effects than a bombardment, yet, in a very few years, many cities that have suffered these calamities, have risen again to splendour. The instances are too many and recent to require illustration. But from slavery when have a people recovered? how rare the instances! As for the "veterans now in the country or that may be sent hereafter," allowing them all due merit as mere soldiers, they can do very little harm; but it ought to be remembered that they are men as well as soldiers; it is not to be presumed that their profession as soldiers will generally divest them of a prior character which they derive from human nature; it is not to be supposed they would act contrary to the latter, their superiour character. The Indians are now held up interrorem; they may do some mischief to the back settlements, they have heretofore done it—yet population has increased in this country at a rapid rate. The New England Colonies had to deal with both French and Indians, without assistance from Great Britain, and drove them back to the interiour parts; this they did, and still more, they even assisted their neighbours. It is only of late years that any of the old Colonies had any British troops (excepting four independent companies in New-York Government.) They, however, did very well without them, although the Indians were then more numerous, and assisted by the French. But why is mention made of the Indians? Are the British troops now employed against them? or are they placed in the frontiers for garrisons? They have been withdrawn from those places, at least from many of them, to protect the tax gatherers of the duties, in consequence of British usurpation.
Whether or not the Indians are now "let loose on our back settlements," or may be hereafter let loose, for the horrid purpose of scalping, they are not more formidable at this time than they were formerly, when the first English settlers, though few in number, were more than a match for them and drove them out. However, Mr. Freeholder does not pay any great compliment to British Administration by saying the Indians would infallibly be let loose on our back settlements to scalp, &c* Although
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