ADDRESS TO THE INHABITANTS OF NEW-YORK

New-York, March 2, 1775.

The most authentick accounts have been received from Great Britain, that a large sum of money has been issued from the Treasury to the Minister of State, for secret services in America. The publick is extremely interested in the consequences of this dark manoeuvre, and therefore every indication of corruption should be attended to, every order in favour of passive obedience noticed, and the authors of every measure tending to break the union and harmony of the Colonies, held up to publick view, and exposed to general indignation and contempt.

The application of publick moneys for secret services, has ever been considered as dangerous to the rights of a free people, especially in times of profound peace, when there is no necessity that spies should be maintained, or royal whores and favourites bribed. Such an attack upon us is, of all others, the most alarming. It is like destroying us by poison—it places us in dangers from false brethren, and converts those we esteemed our friends into insidious enemies—it teaches them to speak peace, when they mean destruction; and, under the specious pretence of supporting Government, to declare war against the Constitution.

History affords, instances of men in every age, who have preferred the enjoyment of wealth, to the possession of a good conscience, and who have committed the most infamous actions to obtain the appellation of honourable, for themselves or families.

Prudence tells us, that what has happened in other Countries, and in other ages, may happen in our own. It certainly is wise, therefore, to be watchful of those whom we have made the guardians of our happiness, and take care that they do not turn the opportunities we have given them of doing us good, into occasions of bringing us to ruin and disgrace.

The world has long had reason to think that the dependants on the favour of a court, are not fit objects for the confidence of the people. It is difficult to serve two masters. Men in such circumstances frequently cleave to their interest, and reject the duty they owe their constituents.

It appears to me very extraordinary, that the people of this Colony in general, should consider a Congress as a necessary expedient in these perilous times, that the letters of the Committee of Correspondence appointed by the Assembly, should speak the same language, and that some of the members of that body should preside at the choice of the Delegates, and yet, that sundry individuals (who have heretofore been lights to the blind) should now take so much pains to decry the measure and prevent its influence. The inconsistency is obvious, and, I fear, nothing but a golden key can open the mystery.

Providence, R. I., March 4, 1775.

On Thursday last, the 2d instant, about twelve o’clock at noon, the Town Crier gave the following notice through the Town:—“At five o’clock, this afternoon, a quantity of “India Tea will be burnt in the market-place. All true “friends of their Country, lovers of Freedom, and haters of “shackles and hand-cuffs, are hereby invited to testify “their good disposition, by bringing in and casting into the “fire, a needless herb, which for a long time hath been “highly detrimental to our liberty, interest, and health.”

About five o’clock, in the afternoon, a great number of inhabitants assembled at the place, when there was brought in about three hundred pounds weight of Tea, by the firm contenders for the true interest of America. A large fire was kindled, and the Tea cast into it. A tar barrel, Lord North’s speech, Rivington’s and Mills’s and Hicks’s newspapers, and divers other ingredients, were also added. There appeared great cheerfulness in committing to destruction so pernicious an article; many worthy women, from a conviction of the evil tendency of continuing the habit of Tea drinking, made free-will offerings of their respective stocks of the hurtful trash. On this occasion the bells were tolled, but it is referred to the learned whether tolling or ringing would have been most proper. Whilst the Tea was burning, a spirited Son of Liberty went along the streets with his brush and lampblack, and obliterated or unpainted the word TEA on the shop signs.

SAMUEL ADAMS TO A GENTLEMAN IN VIRGINIA.

Boston, March 2, 1775.

SIR: Your letter of the 24th of December last, to Mr. Cushing and others, by Captain Tompkins, of the Schooner Dunmore, in which were brought several valuable donations from our friends in Virginia, to the sufferers in this Town by the Port-Bill, was communicated to the Committee appointed to receive such donations, and by their direction I am to acquaint you that they cheerfully consented at your request, that the Schooner should be discharged at Salem, thinking themselves under obligation to promote her despatch, more especially as there was unexpected delay in her loading; and you have very generously declined receiving demurrage. We have repeatedly had abundant evidence of the firmness of our brethren of Virginia, in the American cause; have reason to confide in them that they will struggle hard for the prize now contending for.

I am desired, by the Committee, to acquaint you that a Ship has lately sailed from this place, bound to James River, in Virginia; the Master’s name Crowel Hatch. When he was building his Ship, a proposal was made to him by some of the Committee, to employ the tradesmen of this Town, for which he should receive a recompense by a discount or five percent on their several bills; but he declined to accept of the proposal. This you are sensible, would have been the means of his employing our sufferers at their usual rates, and at the same time, as cheap to him as if he had got his Vessel built by more ordinary workmen, from the country. There is also another circumstance which I must relate to you. Captain Hatch proposed that the Committee should employ our Smiths in making Anchors for his Vessel, at a price by which they could get nothing but their labour for their pains, because he could purchase cast Anchors, imported here for the same price, which was refused. At this he was very angry, and (perhaps in gust of passion) declared, in the hearing of several persons of credit, that he was used ill; threatening that “he would stop all the donations he could, and that no more should come from the place where he was going to,” meaning Virginia. These facts the Committee thought necessary to communicate to you, and to beg the favour of you to use your influence, that Captain Hatch may not have it in his power (if he should be disposed) to traduce the Committee, and injure the sufferers in this Town, for whose relief our friends in Virginia have so generously contributed.

I am, in the name of the Committee, sir, your obliged friend, and humble servant,

SAMUEL ADAMS

Boston, Massachusetts, March 2, 1775.

His Excellency General Gage, in his answer to the Address of the Provincial Congress, in October last, was pleased to represent, as an instance of his lenity and forbearance, “that, notwithstanding the enmity shown the King’s Troops, by withholding from them almost every necessary for their preservation, they have not yet discovered the resentment which might justly be expected to arise from such hostile treatment.”

A second Provincial Congress has lately resolved, “That no person or persons ought to sell or dispose of any Straw which he or they may have on hand, except to the inhabitants of this Province, for their own private use, or the use of said Province.”

Such a militation of sentiments between the Commander-in-chief and the Representatives of the people, must surely arise, from the different conceptions they have respectively formed of the end and design of the Troops being sent here: the General, that they were ordered here to strengthen the hands of Government, to preserve order, restore peace, and prevent confusion; that they are, therefore, to be considered as friends, and ought to be treated accordingly: the Congress, that they are sent to dragoon the good people of this Colony, and successively those of every other Colony upon the Continent, into a slavish submission to British Legislation; which, if it could be effected, must end in their ruin, and destruction; that they are, therefore, to be considered as inveterate enemies; and that the pursuit of every measure, whereby to defeat their purposes, is strictly justifiable.