I would propose, then, that after a spirited manifesto, expressing your abhorrence of the Council* and prostitute eleven of New-York, you should proceed to punish the individuals of this wicked junto who are in your power. Some of them have great contracts for wheat and corn in these Provinces, from Norfolk, Alexandria, Chester, Baltimore, and other ports. They export prodigious quantities, and enrich themselves considerably by this commerce. I would propose, that all commerce with these assassins should be laid immediately under an interdict; that not a single Ship belonging to a counsellor of New-York, (unless he purges himself by oath from having consented to the address,) or of one of the prostitute eleven, should be furnished with a freight within the Capes Henry or Charles; and I have that opinion of the virtue of these Provinces to think your injunctions would be efficacious. But here I must beg leave to pause for an instant, and ask pardon of the publick for my apparent presumption. An individual who offers his thoughts to so respectable a body as a Congress, delegated by the voice of a whole people, has certainly the air of presumption; it is in some measure attributing to himself superiour lights and abilities. But, on the other hand, it is allowed that an individual has frequently been fortunate enough to chalk out lines in which the most sagacious and respectable bodies have not disdained to walk.

If his proposals or hints be weak and absurd, they will naturally be laughed at; but if his intentions be honest, the consciousness of having acted from motives of rectitude, and the love of his Country, will sufficiently compensate for any ridicule which his scheme can incur. I would therefore, wish, that what I offer should rather be understood as hints than advice. If these hints are attended to, I shall reap no personal glory; if they are despised, I shall be no personal sufferer, as my name will probably never be known; for I have too great confidence in the integrity of the printer to apprehend he will insinuate, even the most remotely, his conjectures of the author. But to proceed with my proposals, or hints, in which latter light I am most desirous they should be considered: I could wish to the above-mentioned manifesto was subjoined the warmest letter of thanks to the virtuous ten of the Assembly of New-York, for their endeavours to stem the profligacy and wickedness of the majority, and for the noble-part they have acted as true Americans and excellent citizens; that another address, not less warm, should be presented, to the gentlemen and people of New-York at large, expressing your opinion of their honesty and publick spirit, and lamenting their peculiar circumstances, which, to those who are strangers to these circumstances, may inculcate a belief that they alone are exceptions to the character of patriotism, which the Americans are now indisputably entitled to. But above all, I could wish that it were recommended to every Province of the Continent, more particularly to their immediate neighbours of Pennsylvania, the Jerseys, and Connecticut, not to suffer one of this depraved undecimvirate to set his foot on their territories, until he invokes the forgiveness of his Country, and solemnly engages that his future life shall be employed in making compensation for his present conduct, of so obviously a mischievous tendency.

P. S. The epithets prostitute, profligate, &c., which I have so freely made use of, may probably appear illiberal; but when we consider the mischievous consequences which the conduct of these Council and Assemblymen of New-York are fraught with, it must be allowed that no language can furnish opprobrious terms adequate to their delinquency. I am far indeed from apprehending that their weight and influence are sufficient to shake the virtue of the Continent, or occasion any defection. I do not believe that an individual (much less a set of men) will be found who will be stupid and wicked enough to tread in their steps, the infamous *** of Philadelphia, and a small perverse drivelling knot of Quakers, who form his Senate and Court, excepted. This worthy lately fixed his residence at New-York, with the professed intention of working with some congenial spirits in that. City towards the ruin of the whole fabrick which the Congress had been raising. Indeed, it is most probable that he was the principal compiler, if not the dictator, of these wretched addresses. The style and sentiments are certainly his; the same mist, fog, and darkness, which overcast all his productions, envelop these addresses; and the same narrow, crooked politicks, low cunning, malignancy, and treachery, discoverable through the mist, fog, and obscurity of all his works and actions, betray themselves in these addresses. It may now be asked, as I have represented the character, weight, and credit of these eleven Assemblymen, of the majority of the Council of New-York, and their Philadelphia coadjutor, or more properly dictator, in so despicable a light, wherefore I should sound the alarm? What mischiefs can possibly result from the utmost such men can do? I answer, that although they can neither occasion any defection, nor present the least prospect of success to the enemies of America and liberty, they can do very considerable mischief. They can procrastinate the issue; they can (and most probably will) prolong the inconveniences which we must, more or less, feel during the contest. There is nothing more certain than, that the Ministry have proceeded to the enormous lengths they have done upon the presumption that the attacks upon Boston would not have been taken up by the other Provinces, as the cause of the whole.* There is, therefore, nothing more certain than that the appearance of our firmness and unanimity must soon have overthrown them, or forced them into a total change of measures; but the least appearance that this firmness and unanimity no longer subsists, will encourage them to persist, and enable, them, to keep their ground some time longer. These addresses of New-York will give this appearance; so that whatever the gentlemen, the merchants, the tradesmen, the mechanicks, and the people of America at large suffer from the prolongation of the contest; whatever shall be added to the distresses and burden of the people at home; whatever shall farther impair the commerce, strength, credit, and reputation of the Mother Country, and bring her still nearer to total bankruptcy and ruin; whatever shall farther alienate the affections of the child from the parent, may justly be imputed to this abject Council and eleven prostitute Assemblymen of New-York.†

Boston, March 17, 1775.

The Massachusetts Gazette of February 23d, has given the publick a long and laboured account of the terrible mischiefs done by mobs in this Province, and the names of the persons who are said to have suffered by them.‡ I own I was not displeased at the particular mention of their names, nor would I have had one left out of this shining list: for the world ought to know, and posterity to remember the men who have taken so open and decisive a part against their Country, at a time when it was nobly exerting itself in one of the most important and severe contests that ever fell to the share of any community. That they have suffered, and will continue to suffer as long as any remains of honour and conscience, and feelings for the estimation and love of their fellow-subjects reside with them, I firmly believe. This is all the revenge their much injured Country has hitherto taken: of them.

That they live, some of them in affluence and splendour, upon the revenue extorted from, their much injured Country, live to combine their heads and hearts for enslaving is a striking proof of the moderation and

* I cannot persuade myself that the Council wore unanimous in this infamous address; there are individuals amongst them of known probity, sense, and patriotism. But these gentlemen, so far from objecting to the obligation of purging themselves by oath of having had any share of the guilt, will rejoice in the opportunity of acquitting themselves.

* That this is the principle they acted upon, is now put out of dispute by the conduct of Lord North in the House of Commons, and some speeches directed to him.

† Williamsburgh, March 24,1775—The author of the piece addressed to the Provincial Congress of Virginia, having written in the heat of resentment, on the first news of the conduct of the Council and Assembly of New-York, and having been since assured, from the best authority, that the majority of the former are men of so good personal characters as to be incapable of doing injury intentionally to their Country; he begs leave publickly to retract the harsh terms he has applied to these gentlemen, and to impute the unhappy stop they have taken to crrour and seduction, not to any sinister designs. One gentleman in particular, who has large dealings in this Country, he has heard so great a character of, in the article of integrity and benevolence, as to render it impossible that he should do any thing inimical to the community, unless deceived into it by other men. The gentleman I allude to is Mr. Wallace.

‡ See Volume I, Folio 1260.