way affect American affairs. Such a visit from so great a man, on so important a business, flattered not a little my vanity; and the honour of it gave me the more pleasure, as it happened on the very day twelve months that the Ministry had taken so much pains to disgrace me before the Privy Council.

I applied myself immediately to the reading and considering the plan, of which, when it was afterwards published, I sent you a copy, and therefore need not insert it here. I put down upon paper, as I went along, some short memorandums for my future discourse with him upon it, which follow, that you may, if you please, compare them with the plan; and if you do so, you will see their drift and purpose, which otherwise would make me much writing to explain.

Tuesday, January 31, 1775.

Notes for discourse with Lord Chatham on his plan:

Voluntary grants and forced taxes, not to be expected of the same people at the same time.

Permanent revenue will be objected to; would not a temporary agreement be best, suppose for one hundred years?

Does the whole of the rights claimed in the Petition of Rights relate to England only?

The American Naturalization Act gives all the rights of natural born subjects to foreigners residing there seven years. Can it be supposed that the natives there have them not?

If the King should raise Armies in America, would Britain like their being brought hither? as the King might bring them when he pleased.

An Act of Parliament requires the Colonies to furnish sundry articles of provision and accommodation to Troops quartered among them; this may be made very burdensome to Colonies that are out of favour.

If a permanent revenue, why not the same privileges in trade with Scotland?

Should not the lands conquered by Britain and the Colonies in conjunction, be given them (reserving a quitrent) whence they might form funds to enable them to pay.

Instructions about Agents to be withdrawn.

Grants to be for three years, at the end of which a new Congress—and so from three to three years.

Congress to have the general defence of the frontiers, making and regulating new settlements.

Protection mutual.

We go into all your wars.

Our settlements cost you nothing.

Take the plan of union.

“Defence, extension, and prosperity of”—The late Canada Act prevents their extension, and may check their prosperity.

Laws should be secure as well as Charters.

Perhaps if the legislative power of Parliament is owned in the Colonies, they may make a law to forbid the meeting of any Congress, &c.

I was at Hayes early on Tuesday, agreeably to my promise, when we entered into consideration of the plan; but though I staid near four hours, his Lordship, in the manner of, I think, all eloquent persons, was so full and diffuse in supporting every particular I questioned, that there was not time to go through half my memorandums; he is not easily interrupted, and I had such pleasure in hearing him, that I found little inclination to interrupt him; therefore, considering that neither of us had much expectation that the plan would be adopted entirely as it stood; that in the course of its consideration, if it should be received, proper alterations might be introduced; that before it would be settled, America should have opportunity to make her objections and propositions of amendment; that to have it received at all here, it must seem to comply a little with some of the prevailing prejudices of the Legislature; that if it was not so perfect as might be wished, it would at least serve as a basis for treaty, and in the mean time prevent mischiefs, and that as his Lordship had determined to offer it the next day, there was not time to make changes and another fair copy. I therefore ceased my querying; and though afterwards many people were pleased to do me the honour of supposing I had a considerable share in composing it, I assure you, that the addition of a single word only was made at my instance, viz: “Constitutions” after “Charters;” for my filling up at his request a blank with the titles of Acts proper to be repealed, which I took from the proceedings of the Congress, was no more than might have been done by any copying clerk.

On Wednesday, Lord Stanhope, at Lord Chatham’s request, called upon me, and carried me down to the House of Lords, which was soon very full. Lord Chatham, in a most excellent speech, introduced, explained, and supported his plan. When he sat down, Lord Dartmouth rose, and very properly said, it contained matter of such weight and magnitude as to require much consideration, and he therefore hoped the noble Earl did not expect their Lordships to decide upon it by an immediate vote, but would be willing it should lie upon the table for consideration. Lord Chatham answered readily, that he expected nothing more. But Lord Sandwich rose, and in a petulant vehement speech, opposed its being received at all, and gave his opinion, that it ought to be immediately rejected with the contempt it deserved; that he could never believe it to be the production of any British Peer; that it appeared to him rather the work of some American; and, turning his face towards me, who was leaning on the bar, said, he fancied he had in his eye the person who drew it up, one of the bitterest and most mischievous enemies this Country had ever known. This drew the eyes of many Lords upon me: but as I had no inducement to take it to myself, I kept my countenance as immoveable as if my features had been made of wood. Then several other Lords of the Administration gave their sentiments also for rejecting it, of which opinion also was strongly the wise Lord Hillsborough; but the Dukes of Richmond and Manchester, Lord Shelburne, Lord Camden, Lord Temple, Lord Lyttleton and others, were for receiving it, some through approbation, and others for the character and dignity of the House. One Lord mentioning with applause the candid proposal of one of the ministers, Lord Dartmouth, his Lordship rose again, and said, that having since heard the opinions of so many Lords against receiving it to lie upon the table for consideration, he had altered his mind, could not accept the praise offered him, for a candour of which he was now ashamed, and should therefore give his voice for rejecting the plan immediately. I am the more particular in this, as it is a trait of that Nobleman’s character, who, from his office, is supposed to have so great a share in American affairs, but who has in reality no will or judgment of his own, being, with dispositions for the best measures, easily prevailed with to join in the worst. Lord Chatham, in his reply to Lord Sandwich, took notice of his illiberal insinuation, that the plan was not the person’s who proposed it: declared that it was entirely his own, a declaration he thought himself the more obliged to make, as many of their Lordships appeared to have so mean an opinion of it; for if it was so weak or so bad a thing, it was proper in him to take care that no other person should unjustly share in the censure it deserved. That it had been heretofore reckoned his vice not to be apt to take advice; but he made no scruple to declare, that if he were the first Minister of this Country, and had the care of settling this momentous business, he should not be ashamed of publickly calling to his assistance a person so perfectly acquainted with the whole of American affairs as the gentleman alluded to, and so injuriously reflected on; one, he was pleased to say, whom all Europe held in high estimation, for his knowledge and wisdom, and ranked with our Boyles and Newtons, who was an honour, not to the English Nation only, but to human nature! I found it harder to stand this extravagant compliment, than the preceding equally extravagant abuse, but kept as well as I could an unconcerned countenance, as not conceiving it to relate to me.

To hear so many of these hereditary Legislators declaiming so vehemently against, not the adopting merely, but even the consideration of a proposal so important in its nature, offered by a person of so weighty a character, one of the first Statesmen of the age, who had taken up this Country when in the lowest despondency, and conducted it to victory and glory, through a war with two of the mightiest Kingdoms in Europe; to hear them censuring his plan, not only for their own misunderstandings of what was in it, but for their imaginations of what was not in it, which they would not give themselves an opportunity of rectifying by a second reading; to perceive the total ignorance of