reflections on American courage, religion, understanding, &c., in which we were treated with the utmost contempt, as the lowest of mankind, and almost of a different species from the English of Britain; but particularly the American honesty was abused by some of the Lords, who asserted that we were all knaves, and wanted only, by this dispute, to avoid paying our debts. That if we had any sense of equity or justice, we should offer payment of the Tea, &c. I went home somewhat irritated and heated; and partly to retort upon this Nation, on the article of equity, drew up a memorial to present to Lord Dartmouth before my departure; but consulting my friend, Mr. Thomas Walpole, upon it, who is a member of the House of Commons, he looked at it and at me several times alternately, as if he apprehended me a little out of my senses. As I was in the hurry of packing up, I requested him to take the trouble of showing it to his neighbour, Lord Camden, and ask his advice upon it, which he kindly undertook to do; and returned it me with a note, which here follows the proposed memorial:

To the Right Honourable the Earl of DARTMOUTH, one of His Majesty’s principal Secretaries of State.

A Memorial of BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, Agent of the Province of MASSACHUSETTS-BAY.

Whereas an injury done, can only give the party injured a right to full reparation, or, in case that be refused, a right to return an equal injury; and whereas the blockade of Boston, now continued nine months, hath, every week of its continuance, done damage to that Town equal to what was suffered there by the India Company, it follows that such exceeding damage is an injury done by this Government, for which reparation ought to be made. And whereas reparation of injuries ought always (agreeably to the custom of all Nations, savage as well as civilized) to be first required before satisfaction is taken by a return of damage to the aggressors, which was not done by Great Britain in the instance above-mentioned,  I, the underwritten, do therefore, as their agent, in the behalf of my Country and the Town of Boston, protest against the continuance of the said blockade; and I do hereby solemnly demand satisfaction for the accumulated injury done them, beyond the value of the India Company’s Tea destroyed. And whereas the conquest of the Gulf of St. Lawrence, the coasts of Labrador and Nova-Scotia, and the Fisheries possessed by the French there and on the Banks of Newfoundland, so far as they were more extended than at present, was made by the joint forces of Britain and the Colonies, (the latter having nearly an equal number of men in that service with the former,) it follows that the Colonies have an equitable and just right to participate in the advantage of those Fisheries: I do therefore, in the behalf of the Colony of the Massachusetts-Bay, protest against the Act now under consideration in Parliament for depriving that Province, with others, of that Fishery, (on pretence of their refusing to purchase British commodities,) as an Act highly unjust and injurious. And I give notice, that satisfaction will probably one day be demanded for all the injury that may be done and suffered in the execution of such Act; and that the injustice of the proceeding is likely to give such umbrage to all the Colonies, that in no future war, wherein other conquests may be meditated, either a man or a shilling will be obtained from any of them to aid such conquests, till full satisfaction be made as aforesaid.

B. FRANKLIN.

Given in London, this 16th day of March, 1775.

To Dr. FRANKLIN:

DEAR SIR: I return you the memorial, which it is thought might be attended with dangerous consequences to your person, and contribute to exasperate the Nation.

I heartily wish you a prosperous voyage, a long health, and am, with the sincerest regard, your most faithful and obedient servant,

THOMAS WALPOLE.

Lincoln’s Inn Fields, l6th March, 1775.

Mr. Walpole called at my house the next day, and hearing I was gone to the House of Lords, came there to me, and repeated more fully what was in his note; adding, that it was thought my having no instructions directing me to deliver such a protest, would make it appear still more unjustifiable, and be deemed a national affront. I had no desire to make matters worse, and, being grown cooler, took the advice so kindly given me.

The evening before I left London I received a note from Dr. Fothergill, with some letters to his friends in Philadelphia. In that note he desires me to get those friends, “and two or three more together, and inform them, that whatever specious pretences are offered, they are all hollow; and that to get a larger field on which to fatten a herd of worthless parasites, is all that is regarded. Perhaps it may be proper to acquaint them with David Barclay’s and our united endeavours, and the effects. They will stun at least, if not convince, the most worthy that nothing very favourable is intended, if more unfavourable articles cannot be obtained.” The Doctor, in the course of his daily visits among the great, in the practice of his profession, had full opportunity of being acquainted with their sentiments, the conversation every where turning upon the subject of America.

DR. WHEELOCK TO GOVERNOUR TRUMBULL.

Dartmouth College, March 22, 1775.

MUCH HONOURED SIR: I wrote you a few days ago by a stranger belonging to Simsbury, but fearing it may have miscarried, and not knowing but the contents may be of importance to the Colonies, as they appear to be to us in these frontiers, I don’t seem to be excusable unless I have assurance that you are availed of the matter, and therefore trouble you with this line by my bookkeeper, Mr. Storrs.

Your honour well understands what a feeble, defenceless state this Seminary and all these frontier Towns are in; how near to the Canadians, and what an easy prey we may be to such a Northern army of Savages, &c., as we are threatened with.

We hear of preparations making for an invasion, and that some of the Warriours among the Indians were in high spirits to engage on the one side or the other in the present controversy; and if they shall not be secured in our interests they will likely join on the other side.

I have hitherto been secure and easy, as I have some of their children, from the most respectable tribes in Canada, whom I consider as hostages, and trust they will send for them before they will proceed to hostilities towards us.

I have also (notwithstanding my means of supporting the expense from abroad are wholly stopped) thought the importance of the case to be so great, that I have sent Mr. James Dean, a young gentleman of the most excellent and thorough accomplishments for the purpose, to itinerate as Missionary among those tribes this spring, for a few months, to strengthen that friendship and cultivate that acquaintance which has lately commenced between those tribes and this school; and to bring more of those boys hither with him if he can—among whom I expect the young Sachem, who was lately elected and crowned at Caghnawaga, (and who is a descendant from captivated parents,) as his father, who was here twelve months ago to visit his little son, who is with me, promised to send him as soon as certain rites, customary to ratify and publish such election and investiture, should be performed. I look upon this connection and friendship lately commenced between us and them to be at present our surest bulwark against an invasion, if it should be attempted.

Mr. Dean is thorough master of the languages of the Six Nations, and can also speak the Huron language. He is a young gentleman of learning, virtue, and great prudence; was early naturalized among the Indians; well understands their customs; is much esteemed by them as an orator, and has great interest in their affections, and is, in my opinion, the fittest man I know on earth to be employed, if there should be occasion for one among the Western and Northern Tribes. He was of opinion (though he had no thought of its being mentioned) that it would likely be in his power, if he should be properly encouraged and authorized thereto, to attach all the Six Nations firmly to the interest of these Colonies; and I don’t think he misjudged his ability or influence for that purpose. What I have wrote you will naturally understand to have been only from a principle of self-preservation, and it will be injurious to me and the cause which is my object if it should be represented as militating against the Crown.