If, gentlemen, the trade to our American Colonies near forty years ago was, according to the declared opinion of this Metropolis, of such importance, the amazing entries for several late years made in the books of the Custom-House, which are almost daily before your eyes, will best demonstrate to what an immense magnitude it is since grown. Such an object surely calls for our most earnest, unwearied attention and regard. Whatever your determinations may be, you may be assured of the hearty concurrence of your Chief Magistrate.

Mr. B. Allen, Esq., now moved that such Remonstrance should be presented, and all hands were held up in favour of the motion except seven or eight, among whom was Sir James Esdaile. Mr. Allen made a long and spirited speech, in which he was very severe on the arbitrary strides taken by Government, which rendered it necessary for every man of spirit to stand up in his own defence. He said that if he had sat in the House of Commons he should have opposed all the late measures, being convinced they were but the acts of the Minister, who was himself controlled by an invisible agent. That it was amazing a confidence should be reposed in a Stuart, by those who ought to fear every man of the name. Of the Scots in general, Mr. Allen spoke very handsomely, and wished the English would copy them in their nationality. He said that the Lord Mayor had been unjustly accused by a prejudice against the Scots as a people, and that the Thane had artfully made this circumstance the ground of national quarrel. This orator recommended unanimity in the common cause, but lamented that whenever emoluments were to arise, there never were wanting bad men, even of rank, who would do any thing. He said the question now was, whether the Americans were to be enslaved or not. If Government was in want of supplies, why did it not take the regular method of raising them? He concluded by saying, “the Americans are sons of Britons, and have a right to be free,” and that he hoped the Hall would be unanimous for the proposed Remonstrance. Mr. Allen’s speech was well received, and he concluded it with reading the Petition.

It was afterwards moved that the Petition be again read, which being agreed to, it was accordingly read and approved of, there not being more than three or four dissenting voices, among whom was Sir James Esdaile.

Mr. Saxby then made a motion, that the said Petition be fairly transcribed and signed by the Town Clerk; also, that it be presented to His Majesty by the Right Honourable the Lord Mayor, the Aldermen and Livery of the City of London, in their gowns; that the Sheriffs do wait upon His Majesty, to know when he will be pleased to receive it; and that the Lord Mayor be requested to give the most early and publick intelligence of His Majesty’s answer: all which were carried in the affirmative.

Mr. Saxby afterwards moved, that the thanks of the Lord Mayor, Aldermen, and Livery, be given to those Lords who protested against the Acts lately passed respecting America; to such Members of the House of Commons who opposed the said Acts and all other anti-commercial measures; to Lord Chatham, for offering a conciliatory plan; to those Members of the House of Commons who voted for expunging the Resolutions relative to the Middlesex Election; and to Edmund Burke, Esq., for offering a conciliatory plan. All these motions were unanimously agreed to.

LETTER FROM THE GEORGIA DELEGATES TO THE CONTINENTAL CONGRESS.

Savannah, Georgia, April 6, 1775.

SIR: The unworthy part which the Province of Georgia has acted in the great and general contest, leaves room to expect little less than the censure, or even indignation of every virtuous man in America. Although, on the one hand, we feel the justice of such a consequence with respect to the Province in general; yet, on the other, we claim an exemption from it in favour of some individuals who wished a better conduct. Permit us, therefore, in behalf of ourselves, and many others our fellow-citizens, warmly attached to the cause, to lay before the respectable body over which you preside a few facts, which we trust will not only acquit us of supineness, but also render our conduct to be approved by all candid and dispassionate men.

At the time the late Congress did this Province the honour to transmit to it an Extract from their Proceedings, enclosed in a friendly letter from the Honourable Mr. Middleton, the sense and disposition of the people in general seemed to fluctuate between liberty and conveniency. In order to bring on a determination respecting the measures recommended, a few well-affected persons in Savannah, by publick advertisement in the Gazette, requested a meeting of all the Parishes and Districts, by Delegates or Representatives in Provincial Congress. On the day appointed for this meeting, with concern they found that only five out of twelve Parishes to which they had particularly wrote, had nominated and sent down Delegates; and even some of these five had laid their Representatives under injunctions as to the form of an Association.

Under these circumstances those who met saw themselves a good deal embarrassed; however, one expedient seemed still to present itself. The House of Assembly was then sitting, and it was hoped there would be no doubt of a majority in favour of American freedom. The plan, therefore, was to go through with what business they could in Provincial Congress, and then, with a short address, present the same to the House of Assembly, who, it was hoped, would, by vote, in a few minutes, and before prerogative should interfere, make it the act of the whole Province.

Accordingly the Congress framed and agreed to such an Association, and did such other business as appeared practicable with the people, and had the whole just ready to be presented, when the Governour, either treacherously informed, or shrewdly suspecting the step, put an end to the session.

What, then, could the Congress do? On the one hand truth forbid them to call their proceedings the voice of the Province, there being but five out of twelve Parishes concerned; and on the other, they wanted strength sufficient to enforce them on the principle of necessity, to which all ought for a time to submit. They found the inhabitants of Savannah not likely soon to give matters a favourable turn. The importers were mostly against any interruption, and the consumers very much divided. There were some of the latter virtuously for the measures; others strenuously against them; but more who called themselves neutrals than either.

Thus situated, there appeared nothing before us but the alternative of either immediately commencing a civil war among ourselves, or else of patiently waiting the measures to be recommended by the General Congress. Among a powerful people, provided with men, money, and conveniences, and by whose conduct others were to be regulated, the former would certainly be the resolution that would suggest itself to every man removed from the condition of a coward; but in a small community like that of Savannah, (whose members are mostly in their first advance towards wealth and independence, destitute of even the necessaries of life within themselves, and from whose junction or silence, so little would be added or lost to the general cause,) the latter presented itself as the most eligible plan, and was adopted by the people. Party disputes and animosities have occasionally prevailed, which show that the spirit of freedom is not extinguished, but only restrained for a time till an opportunity shall offer for calling it forth.

The Congress convened at Savannah did us the honour of choosing vs Delegates to meet your respectable body at Philadelphia, on the tenth of next month. We were sensible of the honour and weight of the appointment, and would gladly have rendered our Country any services our poor abilities would have admitted of; but, alas! with what face could we have appeared for a Province whose inhabitants had refused to sacrifice the most trifling advantages to the publick cause, and in whose behalf we did not think we could safely pledge ourselves for the execution of any one measure whatsoever.

We do not mean to insinuate that those who appointed us would prove apostates, or desert their opinion; but that the tide of opposition was great; that all the strength and virtue of these our friends might be insufficient for the purpose. We very early saw the difficulties that would here occur, and therefore repeatedly and constantly requested the people to proceed to the choice of other Delegates in our stead; but this they refused to do.

We beg, sir, you will view our reasons for not attending