“Whether a Son of Liberty ought to give bail or not?” which was carried in the negative. This occasioned three huzzas, in which Captain Alexander McDougall, who was near Captain Sears, bore no small part. It should not be omitted, that when Captain Sears had done, Mr. Pardon Burlingham mounted the stage, and harangued the people, and recommended going to the delinquents for satisfaction.

From the Fields they repaired to Thurman’s and Hardings, and endeavoured to extort confessions from them that they had done wrong, and to prevail on them to ask pardon. These gentlemen refused both; insisting, that as they had been guilty of no violation of any law, agreement, or association, they would sooner die than ask pardon.

For fear of being too prolix, I shall omit the exploit to Turtle-Bay, the march to the Transport, in the North-River, in consequence of which she was cut off from the wharf, and the huzzaing through the town, and cry of no boards! at the Albany Pier, which being on the evening of Captain Lawrence’s arrival, doubtless proceeded from their joy on the good tidings he brought, and is a mark of their gratitude, and a proof that they are actuated by nothing but the pure dictates of liberty.*

The above contains a narrative of the transactions which have disturbed the Town for a fortnight past, and which I desire, Mr. Rivington, you will not omit inserting in your paper; for while the most seditious and inflammatory papers are daily published, tending to alienate the minds of the people from our gracious King, (one of which is now circulating about the City, and read with avidity by those who have proscribed your paper, because some of your correspondents presume to think and write for themselves,) a customer claims it as a right to hold up these matters to the publick. While we are determined to contend against the tyranny of the British Parliament and Ministry, let us not establish the sway of a mob, which includes despotism, the most cruel and severe of all others. Many fellow-citizens have been deluded by the cry of liberty, which has been held up to them as the reason for these violences. They are now undeceived; but so daring a violation of the good order and police of the City, so flagitious an insult on Magistracy, and contempt of the laws, ought not to be passed over with impunity; for let us remember, that the restraints of the law are the security of liberty.

ANTI-LICENTIOUSNESS.

* The Packet Earl of Dunmore, Captain Lawrence, arrived at New-York on Tuesday, April 11, 1775. By this Vessel was received the London Gazette of February 11, containing the Address of the two Houses of Parliament to the King, adopted on the 7th, and presented to the King on the 9th of February.

REVEREND SAMUEL AUCHMUTY TO CAPTAIN MONTRESOR, CHIEF-ENGINEER IN GEN. GAGE’S ARMY AT BOSTON.

New-York, April 19, 1775.

MY DEAR SIR: Yesterday Captain Coupar arrived from London; Rivington, I conclude, will have all the news in his paper, but for fear you should not get his paper in time, I send you some extracts from a letter I received from undoubted authority, which may be depended upon. It is dated London, March 4th, 1775.

“I congratulate you heartily on the spirited and prudent conduct of your Assembly. Their proceedings are universally applauded by the people of this Country. Envy dares not lisp against them, and Faction hides its face with shameful disappointment. Pursue the same path, and your Provinces will be honoured with every mark of distinction from this Country. His Majesty is already disposed to grant you every honourable favour that can be proposed. I am happy that the Clergy under your direction have conducted themselves so prudently and successfully, and hope that the Church, for the labour of her sons, will not be forgotten.

“The Resolution suggested by Lord North will, I flatter myself, have a happy effect at New-York. It proposes to the Colonies all they can reasonably ask. They desired to be taxed by their own Representatives; it will be granted them. Leave it to our Assemblies (they said) and we will sufficiently tax ourselves, and contribute to the common expenses. The Parliament accepts the promises, and invites them by this Resolution to propose what they will give and grant for the necessary contingencies of the State, and their own Civil Establishment. While they fulfil their engagements, Parliament will not interfere to tax them; when they refuse to bear a part in supporting the common burthen, the supreme Legislature will compel the delinquent Colony to its duty. Thus every reasonable indulgence is offered to you, and every necessary power reserved to Parliament. If you reject this proposition of peace and reconciliation, the Nation will be convinced that you are determined to agree on no terms of accommodation.

“The Armament which will speedily embark for Boston will convince the refractory among you, that this Nation will not be trifled with. It is uncertain who will be your Governour, the King being resolved to appoint one himself; Governour Martin of North-Carolina is talked of.

Thus I have, given you all the news that I at present know, which may be depended upon. Coupar says, that thirty-odd sail of Transports sailed for Ireland the same day with him, and that many more Transports were taken up daily. This is terrible news for my poor distressed, oppressed, injured countrymen. I must own I was born among the saints and rebels, but it was my misfortune. Where are your Congresses now? What say Hancock, Adams, and all their rebellious followers? Are they still bold? I trow not.

We have lately been plagued with a rascally Whig mob here; but they have effected nothing, only Sears, the King, was rescued at the Jail door. He was ordered there by the Magistrates upon his refusing to give bail for being guilty of misdemeanors, &c. Our Magistrates have not the spirit of a louse; however, I prognosticate it will not be long before he is handled by authority.

I am, &c.

SAMUEL AUCHMUTY.*

* SALEM, MASS., May 18, 1775.—From such servile wretches as the author of the above letter, do the British Administration receive informations relative to the state, of America; and by such informations do they govern their conduct with respect to it; no wonder then that they discover so much folly, imbecility, and irresolution in all their measures.

His zeal for the Church had, it seems, influenced the past conduct of this would-be right reverend author and some of his Tory brethren of the Clergy in the Province of New-York. In order to engage their further labours in this good cause, his correspondent in England encourages him and them to hope, for the recompense of reward; that they should soon receive an ample retribution for all their toil and, labour in the service of the Ministry. These are the baits held out to the tools of power, and these are sufficient to induce some among us to sacrifice the liberty of this Country, and to rejoice with infernal satisfaction at seeing the land which gave them birth stained with the blood of its slaughtered inhabitants.

The correspondent of this Reverend gentleman talks much of the conciliating proposal made by Lord North, and asserts that the Colonists will be universally condemned if they do not comply with it; but the least observation must convince us that this proposal was no other than a flimsy State trick of this wise Minister, and did not, in reality, remove any grievance of which the Americans complained. According to this proposal the Parliament of Great Britain is to demand a certain sum in bulk of the Continent of America, but each Assembly is to have the power of adjusting the particular method in which its proportion shall be raised; but if it refuses to pay as much as the Parliament demands or shall demand, it is to be dragooned into obedience; all the liberty allowed to the Colonies is to determine how they will raise the sum taxed, without allowing them the liberty of judging whether they ought to be taxed or no; so that the power of taxation, remains virtually and truly in the British Parliament still, and the Colonies are only flattered with an appearance of freedom. The proposal was designed as a bait to draw off our friends in Great Britain, and to dissolve the union of America; but it is seen through by both, and will most assuredly be treated by them with the contempt it deserves.

What must be the heart of the man who can jest, as doth this execrable Clergyman, with the miseries of his Country, and can exult at the thought of its being drenched in blood: the prospect of the arrival of Troops to answer this purpose affords him matter of triumph. This is a Tory Clergyman; to such men as these, our countrymen, (if we prevent them not by our own valorous exertions,) must we pay tithes of all that we possess; to such men as these must we become hewers of wood and drawers of water! Who can endure even the distant idea of such a state? what then must it, be to feel and to groan under it

It hath been the misfortune of this Province to produce many such vermin as the author of this letter, many who have acted the part of parricides to their Country, and who would sacrifice that, together with their consciences; to their ambition and avarice; but we may comfort ourselves with the reflection, that it hath produced a long list of patriots, who are now straining every nerve to secure her freedom, and who will sacrifice their lives rather than that the schemes of such traitors as the author of this letter should succeed.

The ever-memorable nineteenth of April gave an answer to the questions so often asked by the enemies of American freedom, and among the rest by this little tool of power: what think ye of the Congress now? That day showed the efficacy of the Resolutions of that illustrious body, and evidenced that Americans would rather die than live slaves! A Hancock and an Adams, with the other patriots, whose names will be handed down, with everlasting honour, to posterity, still retain their invincible firmness; and in despite of British Fleets and Armies, under the assured protection of their God, will secure the freedom and happiness of America.