submit to the unrighteous and tyrannical claims of the Parliament, of taking what we call our own, when and in what manner they please, without our consent; don’t this teach us that a body of men, as well as a particular person, may tyrannically oppress? Let every American consider what interest have we in George the Third, or what inheritance have we in the Parliament of Great Britain. Have they not declared that all the New-England Colonies are rebels, and have ordered and commanded their blood-thirsty soldiers to cut the throats of men, women, and children, and are they not at this instant endeavoring to carry their bloody decrees into execution? And how long (besure not a great while) before the rest of the Americans will meet with the same, unless they tamely give up their all into their hands, to be taken by them as they please, without the Colonies consent; but God be thanked, the soldiery have met with a check. And for what is all this rage and fury? For no other cause but that we are slow to believe the power of Parliament is omnipotent, and that they have a right to dispose of us and all we have as they please without our consent. Surely no man in his senses, or that hath any notion of preserving his person or property, but what will, without hesitancy, resolve and determine to sell his life as dear as he can, rather than submit to such a slavish and abject condition. Therefore, my countrymen, think, and by thinking you will necessarily be led to determine that now or never you may be free; if once you lose this opportunity and submit, it is not probable you will ever have another. If any should say we had better try conciliatory measures, and again petition for relief from the King and Parliament, I ask, to what purpose can it be? Have not particular Colonies tried petitioning by themselves, and have not all the Colonies united in a petition for relief? And to what effect? Have they not been disdainfully and contemptuously trampled upon, and treated with scorn, and called nothing but factious complaints? Doth it not plainly appear, that both the King and the Ministry are so fixed and determined at all hazards to destroy American liberty, as that it is to as little purpose to complain, or reason with them, as it is to reason with irrational creatures? Therefore it seems there is nothing for us to do, but to appeal unto God in the use of what force and strength we have in defence of our liberties and properties, and rely on his Almighty aid for help to repel the tyrant’s rage.

AN AMERICAN.

THOMAS BROWN TO COLONEL GEORGE PITKIN.

Cambridge, April 28, 1775, 3 o’clock, P. M.

This minute arrived from Boston Mr. Henderson Inches, with the agreeable news that the Governour had opened the gates, and given all the people that have a mind to move out, notice to give in their names to the Selectmen; and they are to have a guard to guard them out; and they are to have thirty wagons to move their effects; and when they return, thirty more to go in. The inhabitants are to resign their arms, and the Tories to have liberty to move in with their effects. And he furthermore brings advice by the last vessel from England, that when the Regiment of Light-Horse were going to embark, the populace rose and prevented their embarkation; and the General Officers that came away, were obliged to go on board incognito; but he further says the Ministry have ordered ten thousand Troops more to be sent, but they will not be here until the last of May; and being in haste, shall subscribe myself your most humble servant,

THOMAS BROWN.

To Colonel George Pitkin.

LETTER FROM THE CONGRESS OF MASSACHUSETTS TO THE CONGRESS OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE.

“Resolved unanimously, That the following Letter be authenticated by the President of this Congress, and delivered to Colonel Nathaniel Folsom, Colonel Josiah Bartlett, and Major Samuel Hobart, Esquires, Committee from the Convention of the Colony of New-Hampshire, as an answer to their Letter of the 26th instant.”

GENTLEMEN: It is with pleasure we have received your letter above mentioned, and by a Committee of this Congress have had a conference with your respectable Committee.

We find the fullest conviction in the minds of the inhabitants of our sister Colonies, as well as of this, that by their immediate and most vigorous exertions, there is the greatest prospect of establishing their liberties and saving their Country; and that without such exertions, all must be lost.

It is the opinion of this Congress, as already communicated, that a powerful army on our side must at once cut out such a work for a tyrannical Administration, as, under the great opposition which they meet with in England, they cannot accomplish; and that their system of despotism must soon be shaken to the foundation. But should they still pursue their sanguinary measures, the Colonies will then be able to make a successful stand. We have the utmost confidence in your patriotick Colony, whose inhabitants have signalized themselves in joining their brethren in this; and I hope to see the New-Hampshire Government, which has been exposed to the corruption of a British Ministry, soon placed upon such a footing as will be best calculated to promote the true interest of the same, and to prevent in future such unhappy disputes as have taken place with the Mother Country: We have just received an agreeable account of the conduct of our brethren in New-York, and have delivered a copy of the letter to your Committee.

We sincerely thank you for the late measures taken by your Convention at Exeter, and are fully persuaded that the Congress of the Colony, which is to meet on the 17th of May, will take such effectual steps as the present emergency of publick affairs requires, and the Continent of America must necessarily approve at large.

LETTER TO A GENTLEMAN IN NEWPORT, RHODE-ISLAND.

Roxbury, April 28, 1775.

Notwithstanding your many neglects; notwithstanding my many avocations, I once more salute you, jacta est alea. What folly could have induced General Gage to act a part so fatal to Britain. It is all over with them; their withering laurels will soon be plucked from their brows by the rapacious Bourbon. I pity the madness which effected their destruction.

You have, no doubt, been informed of the affair of Wednesday the 19th. Is it not truly amazing, that such a body of Regulars, so thoroughly appointed, with artillery, &c., should be defeated and put to flight by a handful of raw, undisciplined peasants? We have lost but forty-one, and but few, not exceeding ten, wounded; they have near three hundred killed, wounded, and missing. Our countrymen swarm to our defence from all quarters. We are busily organizing our Troops, and shall soon have a well-constructed army in the field of thirty thousand men. Gage and his Troops are immured within the walls of Boston; and what is a delay to our satisfaction, our friends are entrapped by them. We have some hopes they will be liberated this day. General Gage has proposed, upon their surrendering their arms, that they march out. They surrendered their arms yesterday.

Poor Quincy, alas! he is no more. He returned to his native Country, pressed the beloved soil, and died. We did not see him; he breathed his last the night before last, at Cape Ann.

We have had an express by the way of Connecticut, enclosing transcripts from letters sent lately to New-York. Such a vile system of slavery is preparing for us as might make a Domitian blush. Thank God, our enemies will assuredly be defeated.

GOVERNOUR HOPKINS TO THE MASSACHUSETTS PROVINCIAL CONGRESS.

Providence, April 28, 1775.

GENTLEMEN: Mr. Joseph Brown and Mr. Moses Brown, of this place, principal merchants, and gentlemen of distinction and probity, will Wait upon you with this letter. Their brother, Mr. John Brown, of this Town, merchant, was, two days ago, forcibly taken at Newport in a packet, as he was coming from thence with a quantity of flour which he had purchased there. He was carried