dare not open his mouth against the cause of America, even at New-York; that the Continent is preparing most assiduously for a vigorous resistance; and that freedom, or an honourable death, are the only objects on which their souls are at present employed.

What human policy can divine the prudence of precipitating us into these shocking scenes? Why have we rashly been declared rebels? Why have directions been sent to disarm us? Why orders to commence hostilities? Why was not General Gage at least restrained from hostilities until the sense of another Congress could be collected? It was the determined resolution of some, already appointed Delegates for it, to have strained every nerve at that meeting to attempt bringing the unhappy dispute to terms of accommodation, safe for the Colonies, and honourable and advantageous for our Mother Country, in whose prosperity and glory our hearts take as large a share as any Minister’s of State, and from as just and as generous motives, to say no more of them.

But what topicks of reconciliation are now left for men who think as I do, to address our countrymen? To recommend reverence for the Monarch, or affection for the Mother Country? Will the distinctions between the Prince and his Ministers, between the People and their Representatives, wipe out the stain of blood? Or have we the slightest reason to hope that those Ministers and Representatives will not be supported throughout the tragedy, as they have been through the first act? No. While we revere and love our Mother Country, her sword is opening our veins. The same delusions will still prevail, till France and Spain, if not other Powers, long jealous of Britain’s force and fame, will fall upon her, embarrassed with an exhausting civil war, and crush, or at least depress her; then turn their arms on these Provinces, which must submit to wear their chains, or wade through seas of blood to a dear-bought and at best a frequently convulsed and precarious independence.

All the ministerial intelligence concerning us is false. We are a united, resolved people; are, or quickly shall be, well armed and disciplined; our smiths and powder-mills are at work day and night; our supplies from foreign parts continually arriving. Good officers, that is, well-experienced ones, we shall soon have, and the Navy of Great Britain cannot stop our whole trade. Our Towns are but brick and stone, and mortar and wood; they, perhaps, may be destroyed; they are only the hairs of our heads; if sheared ever so close, they will grow again. We compare them not with our rights and liberties. We worship as our fathers worshipped, not idols which our hands have made.

I am, dear Sir, your sincerely affectionate friend,

JOHN DICKINSON.

New-York, April 29, 1775.

The following publication, under the initial letters of my name, having appeared in an English Paper of the 27th of January, I take this opportunity to declare that it is altogether a malicious forgery, calculated to inflame the minds of my countrymen, and expose me to undeserved suspicion and distrust.

OLIVER DE LANCEY.

“The following is a copy of a Letter written by O. . . .R DE L . . . . Y to a person high in Administration:

“SIR: The Resolutions of the Congress will never be observed; the Delegates themselves are ashamed of them, and many are studying ways to elude them. The people attached to Government, Sir, in this City, laugh at their Resolutions, and the most flaming zealots despise themselves for passing them. On occasion of the Stamp Act confederacies were formed, which treachery among themselves soon put an end to. There cannot be a doubt, Sir, but a similar defection will soon show how little may be depended on from the Resolutions of the Congress. In such defection this City will take the lead, and in which my influence shall be exerted, and may be relied on. Five of the Provinces are already preparing to violate their Resolutions.

“I beg leave to say that Government are extremely mistaken, if they are alarmed at a Congress like that at Philadelphia. I was born in this City, and am well acquainted with the other Colonies, from whose opposition Government has nothing to fear, except from New-England; and as a dutiful subject to the Crown, I hope that they will meet a punishment suitable to their rebellion. This Province of New-York and Pennsylvania are most attached to the Crown and Parliament; and to the keeping them so, I hope I have some merit, together with my relations and connexions, of whom many are in the Assembly and Council; but notwithstanding, I would advise the keeping two Regiments here. I was not in Town when the packet arrived. Your favour I shall have the honour to answer per next opportunity. The Deputies from this City in the Congress were some of the meanest of the people.

“New-York, December 3, 1774.”

At Mr. De Lancey’s request, we have perused several Letters from him to persons in England, which he declared to us upon his honour were all he had written on political subjects during the present disturbances. These Letters, far from exciting violent measures against America, are calculated to discourage all hostile proceedings, and represent the Colonies as firmly resolved to submit to no Parliamentary taxation.

JAMES DUANE,
JOHN JAY.

New-York, April 29, 1775.

TO THE PUBLICK.

Westchester County, New-York, April 29, 1775.

We, the subscribers, do hereby make this publick declaration: That whereas we and several others in Westchester County, having signed a certain number of Resolves, which, at the time of our said signing, we deemed constitutional, and as having a tendency to promote the interest of our Country; but since, upon mature deliberation and more full knowledge of the matter, find not only injurious to our present cause, but likewise offensive to our fellow-Colonists: We do therefore thus publickly testify our abhorrence of the same, and declare ourselves friends to the Colonies, and ever ready cheerfully to exert ourselves in the defence and preservation of the same.

JONATHAN FOWLER, Esquire,
GEORGE CORNWELL, Esquire.

LETTER FROM THE COMMITTEE OF BOSTON.

Boston, April 29, 1775.

SIR: We wrote you yesterday, and were in hopes of an answer, more especially as we find you have this day wrote a letter to Town, part of which has been communicated to the Committee, upon which we beg leave to observe, that it is very desirable to us that you would comply with our request of making proclamation or notification to such persons as may incline to come into Boston with their effects, as it must expedite the removal of our inhabitants, with their effects, from the Town of Boston; but to determine how many days will be necessary to effect this removal, is utterly impracticable. Those persons who are here from the country, and have left their effects behind, we desire may be permitted to send their servants to put them up and convey them to Boston without molestation; and that the Selectmen may be informed to whom they may direct such persons to apply for permits.

You will receive this by the hands of Mr. Payne, who, being one of the Committee, we refer you to him for more particular information. We are, very respectfully, your most humble servants,

To Doctor Joseph Warren, Chairman of the Committee of Congress.

LETTER FROM THE COMMITTEE OF SAFETY TO THE COMMITTEES OF THE SEVERAL TOWNS.

Cambridge, April 29, 1775.

GENTLEMEN: As many of the persons now in camp came from their respective Towns, without any expectation of tarrying any time, and are now under the necessity of returning, this is to desire that you would, with the utmost haste, send other persons to supply their places for a few days, until the enlistments are complete, and the men sent down to us. We pray you immediately to set about this business, as the most fatal consequences must