Ticonderoga and Crown Point, the particular account of which you will have received before this comes to hand. Immediately on receipt of this news, an express was despatched from hence to the Continental Congress for their advice in this important matter. Posts were also sent to Albany, to the Committee of Correspondence for that City, requesting them to afford their aid in maintaining that pass till the opinion of the Colonies can be known.

We understand an expedition against the same place hath been undertaken under the authority of your Province; but the adventure being set on foot by some private gentlemen in this Colony, and success having attended their enterprise before the forces from the Massachusetts Bay came up, some question arose about the right to command and hold this important pass. We consider all the Colonies, and the New-England Colonies especially, as brethren united together in one joint interest, and pursuing the same general design, and that whatever expedition in furtherance of the grand designs may be undertaken by any one of the Colonies, or body of men in either of them, ought to be considered as undertaken for the joint benefit of the whole confederate Colonies, and the expenses of the enterprise, and cost of maintaining and defending the same, is to be borne by all in proportion to their abilities.

This is not a time for the Colonies to contend about precedency, but we hope all will wish to put out a helping hand, and mutually afford each other all necessary assistance against our common enemy. Some parts of your Province are more conveniently situated to furnish men, &c., for maintaining our possession. We doubt not you will exert yourselves to secure every advantage which may arise from this successful attempt, in which we hope the City and County of Albany, and the Colony of Connecticut will co-operate with you, but of this we cannot assure you, as our calls are very many.

We are, gentlemen, your humble servants,

Committee of Correspondence for Connecticut.

Honourable Provincial Congress of Massachusetts.

P. S. We hope you will not omit any thing you can do, as, ’tis uncertain what New-York will undertake without the consent of the General Congress, &c.

JOSEPH WARREN TO ARTHUR LEE.

Cambridge, May 16, 1775.

MY DEAR SIR; Every thing here continues the same as at the period of my writing a short time ago. Our military operations go on in a very spirited manner. General Gage had a reinforcement of about six hundred Marines the day before yesterday; but this gives very little concern here. It is not expected that he will sally out of Boston at present, and if he does, he will but gratify thousands who impatiently wait to avenge the blood of their murdered countrymen. The attempt he has made to throw the odium of the first commencement of hostilities on the people here, has operated very much to his disadvantage, as so many credible people were eye witnesses of the whole affair, whose testimonies are justly supposed of infinitely greater weight than any thing he has brought or can bring in support of his assertion. My private opinion is, that he is really deceived in this matter, and is led (by his officers and some other of the most abandoned villains on earth, who are natives of this Country, and who are now shut up with him in Boston) to believe that our people actually began the firing; but my opinion is only for myself; most people are satisfied not only that he knows that the Regulars began the fire, but also that he gave his orders to the commanding officer to do it. Thus by attempting to clear the Troops from what every one is sure they were guilty of he has brought on strong suspicions that he himself is guilty of having preconcerted the mischief done by them. Indeed his very unmanly conduct, relative to the people of Boston, in detaining many of them, and contriving new excuses for delaying their removal after they had given up their fire-arms upon a promise of being suffered to leave town and carry with them their effects, has much lessened his character confirmed formed suspicions.

The Continental Congress is now sitting. I suppose before I hear from you again, a new form of Government will be established in this Colony. Great Britain must now make the best she can of America. The folly of her Minister has brought her into this situation. If she has strength sufficient even to depopulate the Colonies, she has not strength sufficient to subjugate them. However, we can yet without injuring ourselves offer much to her. The great national advantages derived from the Colonies may, I hope, yet be reaped by her from us. The plan for enslaving us, if it had succeeded, would only have put it in the power of the Administration to provide for a number of their unworthy dependants, whilst the Nation would have been deprived of the most essential benefits which might have arisen from us by commerce; and the taxes raised in America would, instead of easing the Mother Country of her burdens, only have been employed to bring her into bondage.

I cannot precisely tell you what will become of General Gage; I imagine he will at least be kept closely shut up in Boston. Perhaps you will very soon hear something further relative to these things. One thing I can assure you has very great weight with us; we fear if we push this matter as far as we think we are able—to the destruction of the Troops and Ships-of-War—we shall expose Great Britain to those invasions from foreign Powers, which we suppose it will be difficult for her to repel.

In fact, you must have a change in men and measures or be ruined. The truly noble Richmond, Rockingham, Chatham, Shelburne, with other Lords, and the virtuous and sensible minority in the House of Commons; must take the lead. The confidence we have in them will go a great way; but I must tell you that those term’s which would readily have been accepted before our countrymen were murdered, and we in consequence compelled to take arms, will not now do.

Every thing in my power to serve the united interest of Great Britain, shall be done; and I pray that you, your brother, and Mr. Sayre, (to whom I beg you would make my most respectful compliments,) would write fully, freely, and speedily, to me, and let me know what our great and good friends in the House of Commons think expedient and practicable to be done.

God forbid that the Nation should be so infatuated as to do any thing further to irritate the Colonies; if they should, the Colonies will sooner throw themselves into the arms of any other power on earth, than ever consent to an accommodation with Great Britain. That patience which I frequently told you would be at last exhausted, is no longer to be expected from us. Danger and war are become pleasing; and injured virtue is now armed to avenge herself. I am, my dear Sir, your most obedient servant,

JOS. WARREN.

To Arthur Lee, Esq., London.

P. S. Please to let Mr. Sayre and Sheriff Lee know that I shall write to them by the first opportunity. This will be handed you by our good friend Mr. Barrell, who will give you a more particular account of our publick affairs.

J. W.

LETTER FROM THE MASSACHUSETTS. TO THE CONTINENTAL CONGRESS.

“Resolved, That Doctor Benjamin Church be ordered to go immediately to Philadelphia, and deliver to the President of the Honourable American Congress there now sitting, the following application, to be by him communicated to the Members thereof; and the said Church is also directed to confer with the said Congress respecting such other matters as may be necessary to the defence of this Colony, and particularly the state of the Army therein.”;

May it please your Honours:
That system of Colony administration which, in the most firm, dutiful, and loyal manner, has been in vain remonstrated against by the representative body of the United Colonies, seems still, unless speedily and vigorously opposed by the collected wisdom and force of all America, to threaten ruin and destruction to this Continent.

For a long time past this Colony has, by a corrupt Administration in Great Britain and here, been deprived of