of the measures pursued by the Colonies to obtain redress of grievances, nor do I arrogantly set up my own private judgment against the publick judgment of my Country, as infallibly right. I can truly say that I shall rejoice at the salvation of the Country, even though the same be obtained by the very measures which have appeared to me to be improper, and not likely to be successful. But to inquire freely into the propriety of every publick measure, (provided the same, when established, be not resisted,) I have ever held as an inalienable right, and what, in a great measure, constitutes the freedom of an Englishman.

I have ever deemed it the duty, as well as wisdom of the individuals of every community, to submit and conform to the sense and opinion of the majority of the members of that community; always reserving to themselves, and saving entire and inviolate, the rights of conscience, private judgment, and freedom of speech. Therefore I have not resisted such measures as have been approved of by the majority of the people, whether agreeable to my private judgment or not. Upon the same principles I now declare, that, I mean and intend to submit to what I find to be the sense and resolution of the majority of my countrymen, and expect to bear an equal share and proportion of such publick charge and expense as shall be deemed by such majority necessary to extricate this Country out of its present alarming and critical situation; nor is there any thing I hold so dear, in comparison of my Country’s good, that I would not risk in its defence—even life itself, if necessary.

Therefore, as submission, or allegiance and protection, are reciprocal duties and obligations, which ought ever to subsist and take place with equal and mutual force between rulers and those over whom they are appointed to rule, I must expect, and shall depend upon it, that I am to be protected and secured in my person, family, and property, from all violent attacks upon either; which protection and security, so far as it is within your power to afford me, I now ask, and doubt not but I shall obtain the same; which concludes me, gentlemen, your most respectful friend and fellow-countrymen,

JOSHUA UPHAM.

The foregoing declaration being read and considered, and vote asked of said Committee, and also of a number of the inhabitants of the Town then present, whether said declaration be satisfactory; it passed in the affirmative nemine contradicente.

By order,

JOSHUA DODGE, Chairman.

MASSACHUSETTS COMMITTEE OF SAFETY TO THE COMMITTEE OF SUDBURY.

Cambridge, May 30, 1775.

This Committee have taken into their consideration the conduct of Ezra Taylor, Esq., in going into the Town of Boston, and tarrying there a considerable time, since the important nineteenth of April last; and after examining him as to his conduct, have dismissed him, and verbally advised him to remain, in the Town of Sudbury, as what we judged best for him and the publick. Gentlemen, your good sense will easily suggest your duty. We are, &c.

SELECTMEN OF HOPKINTON TO MASSACHUSETTS CONGRESS.

May 30, 1775.

To the Honourable the Delegates of the Province of the MASSACHUSETTS-BAY, in General Congress assembled:

Whereas there has been a false alarm this day spread here in this part of the Province, whereby the people have been called off from their labour, and much loss and expense incurred; and judging that unless such things can be prevented, husbandry will entirely be neglected: Wherefore this Town have chosen a Committee of Safety, to consist of five persons, whose names are as follow, viz: Gilbert Dench, Samuel Park, Ebenezer Claftin, Samuel Hayden, and Jonathan Hull, who are to determine when it is necessary for the people of this Town to march on any alarm; and hereby desire that the first intelligence may be conveyed to one of them. We also desire that you would be so kind to the Province as to appoint some certain criterion, or signal, by which a true alarm may be distinguished from a false one. If by this we are able to suggest any thing for the good of the Province, we are happy, and are, with great respect and devotion, gentlemen, your humble servants,

COMMITTEE FOR MANCHESTER TO THE COMMITTEE FOR CHEBACCO.

Manchester, May 30, 1775.

GENTLEMEN: A letter has been just received from Cambridge by express, from General Ward to the Committee for Salem, of which we subjoin a copy. As no particulars appear, we think it prudent to notify you thereabout, and inform you that there are eight tenders cruising around us, six of which are gone to Salem, their decks filled with boats, &c. We desire you to forward the report to Ipswich, as it is uncertain where the mischief will fall.

By order of the Committee of Correspondence for Manchester.

The following is a copy of the General’s Letter:

“Head-Quarters, Cambridge, May 29, 1775.

“SIR: By information just received from Boston, I apprehend the enemy intend to make an attack some where this night; therefore would have your people in readiness to act on the shortest notice if there should be occasion.

“I am, &c.,

ARTEMAS WARD.”

Captain Marston sent the above to the Committee for Chebacco, about half past ten o’clock.

Ipswich, May 30, 1775.

GENTLEMEN: I received the within intelligence about one of the clock this day, and thought proper to let you know what I have received.

JOHN BBAKER, Colonel.

To the Committee of Correspondence in Newburyport.

Newburyport, May 30, 1775, half past four o’clock.

GENTLEMEN: Having just received the above information from Ipswich by express, we forward it to you without, delay.

Per order of the Committee:

B. GREENLEAF.

To the Committee of Correspondence of Hampton.

EXTRACT OF A LETTER FROM LONDON TO A GENTLEMAN IN PHILADELPHIA, DATED MAY 31, 1775.

I cannot let Captain Hazlewood depart without sketching a few lines to you. You will find by the papers that we have received an account from Salem of the defeat of Colonel Smith, and the precipitate retreat of Lord Percy, by the animated resistance of the brave Bostonians. This intelligence, so contrary to the expectations of Government, who have daily announced the Americans cowards, has panick-struck Administration and their tory dependants, and has exhilarated the spirits of the sons of America in this metropolis, and the friends to freedom, in the most exalted manner. It is impossible to describe the shame and vexation which are visibly depicted in the countenances of North and his tyrannical abetters. They are constrained to acknowledge that the Regulars began the attack, and equally forced to admit the intrepidity of our countrymen; but what alarms them most is the expectation of hourly receiving advice of the whole of General Gage’s Army being cut off, or meanly sheltering themselves on board the men-of-war, or in the castle. God grant their total extirpation! Government has not yet received any despatches from the General; she has craved a suspension of animadversions on the news, until she can refute, or is compelled to authenticate it. In the mean time stocks have had a shock, and the people every where denounce vengeance against Bute, Mansfield, North, Sandwich, and their ignominious adherents. I impatiently wait the next intelligence, as I have no doubt we shall hear of farther significant manifestations of American prowess, founded on that principle which God and their right will inspire them with.