It is, therefore, unanimously Resolved, That we hold the said Dixon Quinton and Thomas Lambden to be enemies to their Country; that we are determined immediately to break off all dealings and intercourse with them, and with every person who shall have any connexion with them, or either of them; and do recommend to every attorney of this Province not to bring or prosecute any action at law, nor to appear or plead for them, or either of them, on any trial, until they shall make such proper acknowledgments, and show such genuine marks of repentance and reformation as shall be satisfactory to a majority of this Committee.

Resolved, That these proceedings be immediately printed in the Maryland Gazette.

A true copy from the Minutes:

Test:

ROBERT DENNIS, Clerk.

DELAWARE ASSEMBLY.

Monday, June 5, 1775.

The House met, pursuant to their adjournment, and adjourned till ten o’clock, on Wednesday, A. M.

Wednesday, Jane 7, 1775, A. M.

The House met, pursuant to their adjournment, and the Speaker assumed the Chair.

The Speaker informed the House that, during the recess of this House, he had received a Letter from the Speaker of the House of Assembly at New-York, enclosing a List of Grievances, with the Resolution of the House in consequence thereof; also, a Petition to the King, a Memorial to the House of Lords, and a Representation and Remonstrance to the Commons of Great Britain, which he now laid before the House.

On motion, by order,

The same were read, and ordered to be filed among the Records of this House.

The House being informed by the Delegates appointed to represent this Colony in the Grand Continental Congress now held at Philadelphia, in the” Province of Pennsylvania, that the said Congress are unanimously of opinion, that it is absolutely necessary, for the preservation of the lives, liberties, and properties of the good people of the twelve United Colonies, and of the Parish of St. John’s, in Georgia, to have an armed force, at their general expense, sufficient for repelling and defeating all hostile attempts by arms to deprive them of the same, took the same into their most serious consideration, and unanimously approved thereof.

Resolved, nemine contradicente, That the inhabitants of this Government be chargeable and charged with their quota or share of said expense, to be ascertained by the Congress, and that this House will provide the same by all ways and means in their power.

Resolved, nemine contradicente, That the sum of Five Hundred Pounds be drawn for by the Speaker, upon the Trustees of the several Loan Offices of this Government, according to the Proportion Act, to be paid to Mr. Speaker, Thomas McKean, and George Read, Enquires, towards the share of this Colony of the expense aforesaid; and that the same be hereafter replaced in the said Offices by the Assembly.

Then the House adjourned till the twenty-first day of August next.

GENERAL LEE TO GENERAL BURGOYNE IN BOSTON.

Philadelphia, June 7, 1775.

MY DEAR SIR: We have had twenty different accounts of your arrival at Boston, which have been regularly contradicted the next morning; but as I now find it certain that you are arrived, I shall not delay a single instant addressing myself to you; it is a duty I owe to the friendship I have long and sincerely professed for you; a friendship to which yon have the strongest claims from the first moments of our acquaintance. There is no man from whom I have received so many testimonies of esteem and affection; there is no man whose esteem and affection could, in my opinion, have done me greater honour: I entreat and conjure you, therefore, my dear Sir, to impute these lines not to a petulant itch of scribbling, but to the most unfeigned solicitude for the future tranquillity of your mind, and for your reputation. I sincerely lament the infatuation of the times, when men of such a stamp as Mr. Burgoyne and Mr. Howe can be seduced into so impious and nefarious a service by the artifice of a wicked and insidious Court and Cabinet. You, Sir, must be sensible that these epithets are not unjustly severe. You have yourself experienced the wickedness and treachery of this Court and Cabinet. You cannot, but recollect their manæuvroees in your own Select Committee, and the treatment yourself, as President, received from these abandoned men. You cannot but recollect the black business of St. Vincent’s, by an opposition to which you acquired the highest and most deserved honour. I shall not trouble you with my opinion of the right of taxing America without her own consent, as I am afraid, from what I have seen of your speeches, that you have already formed your creed on this article: but I will boldly affirm, had this right been established by a thousand statutes; had America admitted it from time immemorial, it would be the duty of every good Englishman to exert his utmost to divest Parliament of this right, as it must inevitably work the subversion of the whole Empire. The malady under which the state labours is indisputably derived from the inadequate representation of the subject, and the vast pecuniary influence of the Crown. To add to this pecuniary influence and incompetency of representation, is to insure and precipitate our destruction. To wish any addition can scarcely enter the heart of a citizen who has the least spark of publick virtue, and who is at the same time capable of seeing consequences the most immediate. I appeal, Sir, to your own conscience, to your experience and knowledge of our Court and Parliament; and I request you to lay your hand upon your heart, and then answer with your usual integrity and frankness, whether, on the supposition America should be abject enough to submit to the terms imposed, you think a single guinea raised upon her would be applied to the purpose (as it is ostentatiously held out to deceive the people at home) of easing the Mother Country; or whether you are not convinced that the whole they could extract would be applied solely to heap up still further the enormous fund for corruption which the Crown already possesses, and of which the most diabolical use is made? On these principles I say, Sir, every good Englishman, abstracted of all regard for America, must oppose her being taxed by the British Parliament. For my own part, I am convinced that no argument (not totally abhorrent from the spirit of liberty and the British Constitution) can be produced in support of this right. But it would be impertinent to trouble you upon a subject which has been so amply, and, in my opinion, so fully discussed.

I find, by a speech given as yours in the papers, that it was by the King’s positive command you embarked in this service. I am somewhat pleased that it is not an office of your own seeking, though, at the same time, I must confess that it is very alarming to every virtuous citizen, when he sees men of sense and integrity (because of a certain profession) lay it down as a rule implicitly to obey the mandates of a Court, be they ever so flagitious. It furnishes, in my opinion, the best arguments for the total reduction of the Army. But I am running into a tedious essay, whereas I ought to confine myself to the main design and purpose of this letter, which is to guard you and your colleagues from those prejudices which the same miscreants who have infatuated General Gage, and still surround him, will labour to instil into you against a brave, loyal, and most deserving people. The avenues of truth will be shut up to you. I assert, Sir, that even General Gage will deceive you, as he has deceived himself. I do not say he will do it designedly; I do not think him capable. But his mind is so totally poisoned, and his understanding so totally blinded by the society of fools and knaves, that he no longer is Capable of discerning facts as manifest as the noon-day sun. I assert, Sir, that his letters to the Ministry (at least such as the publick have seen) are one continued tissue of misrepresentation, injustice, and tortured inferences from misstated facts. I affirm, Sir, that he has taken no pains to inform himself of the truth; that he has never conversed with a man who has had the courage or honesty to tell him the truth.

I am apprehensive that you and your colleagues may fall