but the distress occasioned by—a precipitate retreat?

However, the Ministry go on to inform us, “that whilst this prodigious service was performing, the rebels assembled, and a considerable body of them attacked the Light-Infantry posted at one of the bridges, on which an action ensued.” Well, and who were defeated? Not a word of that, but— “a few were killed and wounded.” These dastardly Americans march up and attack the best of the Regulars, advantageously posted; and we are left to conclude, from their continuing to annoy, kill, and wound the troops on their return (as it is generally termed) from Concord, that the Light-Infantry were driven from their post and defeated. All this we should readily admit, on the credit of the Gazette, had not the former assurances of the Ministry, that the Americans were too cowardly ever to face the Regulars, rendered it utterly incredible.

But let us accompany the Army in its return, and we find them met by Lord Percy, at Lexington, with sixteen companies and the Marines, amounting in all to about twelve hundred men, with two pieces of cannon. We have now almost the whole army that was collected at Boston, under so active a leader as Lord Percy, with the assistance of Colonel Smith and Major Pitcairn, “doing every thing (so says the Gazette) that men could do,” and two pieces of cannon. We may now expect that not a man of the unheaded poltron Provincials will be left alive. Not quite so bad. The Gazette tells us dryly, that “the rebels were for a while dispersed.”

They were so dispersed, however, that “as soon as the troops resumed their march, ” (not their flight,) they began again to fire upon them, and continued it during the whole of fifteen miles march, “by which means several were killed and wounded.”

If this was not a flight, and if Lord Percy’s activity was not in running away, I should be glad to know where were the flanking parties of this army on its march, with all this Light-Infantry? Would any commanding officer suffer such an enemy to continue killing and wounding his troops, from stone-walls and houses, if it was not a defeat and flight? Would they have left so many of their wounded to fall into the enemy’s hands? I feel for the honour of the British Troops, though the Ministry do not. This. Gazette will proclaim their disgrace throughout all Europe; and yet I think, that when the military lend themselves to fight against the freedom of their fellow-subjects, they deserve to be both disgraced and defeated.

Take, then, the whole of this account as it stands, and to what does it amount, but that General Gage’s Army having marched out of Boston in the night, was attacked by the Militia, hastily assembled, without a leader, and was driven back, with the loss of sixty-five killed, one hundred and eighty wounded, and twenty-eight taken prisoners, making in all two hundred and seventy-three.

In the mean time the Ministers, who have thus involved us in disgrace and blood, are perfectly unconcerned. They comfort themselves with throwing out some shameful reflections on the Americans, and boast of the activity of their officers and the intrepidity of their troops. They have not sense to perceive, that the more they exaggerate the bravery and conduct of the Regulars, the more they extol their opponents, whom they and their Scotch tools have been traducing, both publickly and privately, as the most abject cowards, What must the resolution of that Militia be, which could drive these active and intrepid Regulars, with loss and confusion, back into their intrenchments? In fact this superiority does not arise from any difference between the English and the Americans, but from the one contending in the cause of tyranny, and the other in that of liberty. It never has entered into the hearts of these wretched Ministers and their tools, to feel or conceive the enthusiasm and valour which so good and noble a cause inspires. Is it not, therefore, wonderful that they should not foresee its effects?

The charge of scalping is of the same complexion with those which they have constantly made, and which we have as constantly found to be false. It is like those of Bernard and Hutchinson, made in such general terms that it cannot have a particular refutation. Had they mentioned the names of those men who were thus treated, we might then have sought them out to refute the falsehood; but no, they content themselves with saying, the Provincials “scalped and cut off the ears of some of the wounded;” which I very sincerely believe to be an infamous falsehood, because we have had affidavits from several of the wounded prisoners, acknowledging the kindest treatment; and it is most certain that General Ward sent word to General Gage, “that his surgeons were at liberty to come into the Provincial camp and attend the wounded prisoners, if General Gage had more confidence in them than in the Provincial surgeons.” The publick will hardly believe that so fair and generous an enemy could be guilty of barbarity and cruelty, because an unfair and ungenerous Ministry are their accusers.

The Gazette tells us “that the Troops, on seeing some Provincials drawn up at Lexington, marched up to them.” For what purpose do you think, gentle reader? to ask the civilest question in the world, “the reason of their being so assembled.” But the Militia not being apprised of their very civil intentions, “went off in great confusion;” and yet, to our utter astonishment, we are in the next line told that this confounded and flying enemy immediately began an attack upon the victorious Regulars, wounding one man, and, what was an inexpiable offence, shot a Scots officer’s Scots poney! It is, I believe, the first time in the world that one army marched up to another to “ask questions.” We have heard of Parthians wounding as they fled, but I did not know this was the American method. Surely they might have told a more plausible story, to make us believe the Americans were the aggressors; but the Ministry have so often imposed on our credulity, that they think any thing will suffice. The presumption arising from this very detail, compared with that of Lieutenant Gould’s affidavit, and the positive oaths of a variety of witnesses, render it unquestionable that the King’s Troops began the fire, and that, too, upon a small body of Provincials who were dispersing.

The whole of this business is shocking in itself, dangerous in its consequences; nor can any thing comfort us under the evils attending it, but a trust that the wicked authors of it will soon be brought to condign punishment.

I am of opinion that children unborn will not alone have occasion to lament the bloody and inhuman carnage of Lexington. Some men, whose advice hap tended to produce so unhappy a scene, and whose abilities have since been prostituted in misrepresenting and reviling their countrymen, may have cause to join in the general lamentation. The hypocritical eye of Mr. H— may once more weep, and even Coriolanus* may shed a tear from a different cause than that of virtuous compunction. Coriolanus’s friend, and adviser, the late Major of Brigade, will meet with a reception worthy of his treachery; and the noble Lord who has been his dupe, will find that he has bestowed rewards on a person unworthy of his confidence. His engagement to bribe the Members of the Continental Congress, and to raise ten thousand men to join the Parliamentary Army, showed the extremity of impudence. He must have known that he was deceiving the Secretary of State, and his Lordship ought to be ashamed of his own puerile credulity. The solicitations of modest virtuous merit, have by him been often rejected, and the most forward and wicked incendiaries countenanced and promoted. Coriolanus has been extremely liberal in charging his countrymen with treason and rebellion. I shall not lose so much time as to discuss this question with him. It would necessarily lead me to the examination of the right of taxation.

All the disorders of America have arisen from that source, and I defy him to derive them from any other. If the Parliament have not a right to tax America, they have no right to send troops to compel submission. If compulsion be attempted, resistance is justifiable. The greatest authorities that ever this Country produced might be cited to prove this. I forbear mentioning the names of Sidney and Locke, of Chatham, and Camden. Their doctrines are obsolete, and too uncourtly for the ear of a young divine, newly flattered with the pomp of a professorship in divinity, and gratified with the more substantial acquisition of two hundred Pounds a year. I appeal to Judge Black-stone; he cannot be suspected of partiality in favour of the people in opposition to sovereign power. In his seventh

* A writer for the Ministry in the publick papers.

*