her. Let it be remembered, however, that she rejected the plan we formed in the Congress at Albany, in 1754, for our own defence, by an union of the Colonies—an union she was jealous of, and therefore chose to send her own forces; otherwise, her aid, to protect us, was not wanted. And from our first settlement to that time, her military operations in our favour were small, compared with the advantages she drew from her exclusive commerce with us. We are, however, willing to give full weight to this obligation; and as we are daily growing stronger, and our assistance to her becomes of more importance, we would, with, pleasure, embrace the first opportunity of showing our gratitude, by returning the favour in kind. But when Britain values herself as affording us protection, we desire it may be considered that we have followed her in all her , wars, and joined with her, at our own expense, against all she thought fit to quarrel with. This she has required of us, and would never permit us to keep peace with any Power she declared her enemy; though, by separate treaties, we might well have done it. Under such circumstances, when at her instance we made nations our enemies whom we might otherwise have retained our friends, we submit it to the common sense of mankind, whether her protection of us in these wars was not our just due, and to be claimed of right, instead of being received as a favour? And whether, when all the parts of an Empire exert themselves to the utmost in their common defence, and in annoying the common enemy, it is not as well the parts that protect the whole, as the whole that protects the parts? The protection, then, has been proportionably mutual. And whenever the time shall come that our abilities may as far exceed hers as hers have exceeded ours, we hope we shall be reasonable enough to rest satisfied with her proportionable exertions, and not think we do too much for a part of the Empire, when that part does as much as it can for the whole.

The charge against us, that we refuse to contribute to our own protection, appears from the above to be groundless. But we further declare it to be absolutely false; for it is well known, that we ever held it our duty to grant aids to the Crown, upon requisition, towards carrying on its wars; which duty we have cheerfully complied with, to the utmost of our abilities; insomuch that frequent and grateful acknowledgments thereof by King and Parliament appear On their records.* But as Britain has enjoyed a most gainful monopoly of our commerce, the same, with our maintaining the dignity of the King’s representative in each Colony, and all our own separate establishments of Government, civil and military, has ever hitherto been deemed an equivalent for such aids as might otherwise be expected from us in time of peace. And we hereby declare, that on a reconciliation with Britain, we shall not only continue to grant aids in time of war, as aforesaid, but whenever she shall think fit to abolish her monopoly, and give us the same privileges of trade as Scotland received at the union, and allow us a free commerce with all the rest of the world, we shall willingly agree (and we doubt not it will be ratified by our constituents) to give and pay into the Sinking Fund £100, 000 sterling per annum, for the term of one hundred years; which duly, faithfully and inviolably applied to that purpose, is demonstrably more than sufficient to extinguish all her present national debt, since it will in that time amount, at legal British interest, to more than £230, 000, 000.

But if Britain does not think fit to accept this proportion, we, in order to remove her groundless jealousies that we aim at independence, and an abolition of the Navigation Act, (which hath in truth never been our intention,) and to avoid all future disputes about the right of making that and other acts for regulating our Commerce, do hereby declare ourselves ready and willing to enter into a covenant with Britain, that she shall fully possess, enjoy, and exercise that right for a hundred years to come; the same being bona fide used for the common benefit. And in case of such agreement, that every Assembly be advised by us to confirm it solemnly by laws of their own, which once made cannot be repealed without the assent of the Crown.

The last charge, that we are dishonest traders, and aim at defrauding our creditors in Britain, is sufficiently and authentically refuted by the solemn declarations of the British merchants to Parliament, (both at the time of the Stamp Act, and in the last session,) who bore ample testimony to the general good faith and fair dealing of the Americans, and declared their confidence in our integrity; for which we refer to their petitions on the Journals of the House of Commons. And we presume we may safely call on the body of the British tradesmen, who have had experience of both, to say, whether they have not received much more punctual payment from us than they generally have from the members of their own two Houses of Parliament.

On the whole of the above, it appears that the charge of ingratitude towards the Mother Country, brought with so much confidence against the Colonies, is totally without foundation; and that there is much more reason for retorting that charge on Britain, who not only never contributes any aid, nor affords, by an exclusive commerce, any advantages to Saxony, her mother country; but no longer since than in the last war, without the least provocation, subsidized the King of Prussia while he ravaged that mother country, and carried fire and sword into its capital, the fine City of Dresden—an example we hope no provocation will induce us to imitate.

GENERAL WASHINGTON TO CONGRESS.

New-York, Sunday, June 25, 1775, Five o’clock, P. M.

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SIR: Upon my arrival here this afternoon, I was informed that an express was in Town from the Provincial camp in Massachusetts-Bay; and having seen, among other papers in his possession, a letter directed to you as President of the Congress, I have taken the liberty to open it. I was induced to take that liberty by several gentlemen of New-York, who were anxious to know the particulars of the affair of the 17th instant, and agreeable to the orders of many members of the Congress, who judged it necessary that I should avail myself of the best information in the course of my journey.

You will find, Sir, by that letter, a great want of powder in the Provincial Army, which I sincerely hope the Congress will supply as speedily and as effectually as in their power. One thousand pounds in weight were sent to the camp at Cambridge, three days ago, from this City, which has left this place almost destitute of that necessary article, there being at this time, from the best information, not more than four barrels of powder in the City of New-York.

I purpose to set off for the Provincial camp to-morrow, and will use all possible despatch to join the forces there.

Please to make my compliments to the gentlemen of the Congress, and believe me to be, Sir, your obliged friend and obedient servant,

GO. WASHINGTON.

The Hon. John Hancock, Esq., President of the American Congress.

New-York, June 25, 1775.

GEORGE WASHINGTON, Esq., General and Commander-in-Chief of the Army of the United AMERICAN Colonies:

To PHILIP SCHUYLER, Esquire, Major-General in the said Army:

SIR: You are to take upon you the command of all the Troops destined for the New-York Department, and see that the orders of the Continental Congress are carried into execution with as much precision and exactness as possible. For your better government therein, you are herewith furnished with a copy of the instructions given to me by that honourable body. Such parts thereof as are within the line of your duty, you will please to pay particular attention to. Delay no time in occupying the several posts recommended by the Provincial Congress of this Colony, and putting them in a fit posture to answer the end designed. Neither delay any time in securing the stores which are or ought to have been removed from this City by order of the Continental Congress. Keep a watchful eye upon Governour Tryon; and if you find him attempting, directly or indirectly, any measures inimical to the common cause, use every means your power to frustrate his designs. It is not in my power at this time to

* Journals of the House of Commons, on the 4th of April, 1748; 28th January, 1756; 3d February, 1756; 16th and 19th of May, 1757; 1st of June, 1758; 26th and 30th of April, 1759; 26th and 31st of March, and 28th of April, 1760; 9th and 30th of January, 1761; 22d and 26th of January, 1762; and 14th and 17th of March, 1763,