give our money, as the Parliament does theirs, without coercion, from time to time, as “publick exigences may require.” We conceive that we alone are the judges of the condition, circumstances, and situation of our people, as the Parliament are of theirs. It is not merely the mode of raising, but the freedom of granting our money, for which we have contended. Without this we possess no check on the royal prerogative; and what must be much lamented by dutiful and loyal subjects, we should be stripped of the only means, as well of recommending this country to the favour of our most gracious Sovereign, as of strengthening those bands of amity with our fellow-subjects, which we would wish to remain indissoluble.

Because, on our undertaking to grant money as is proposed, the Commons only resolve to forbear levying pecuniary taxes on us, still leaving unrepealed their several acts passed for the purposes of restraining the Trade and altering the form of Government of the Eastern Colonies; extending the boundaries and changing the Government and Religion of Quebeck; enlarging the jurisdiction of the Courts of Admiralty, and taking from us the right of Trial by Jury; and transporting us into other Countries to be tried for criminal offences. Standing Armies, too, are still to be kept among us; and the other numerous grievances of which ourselves and sister Colonies, separately and by our Representatives in General Congress, have so often complained, are still to continue without redress.

Because, at the very time of requiring from us grants of money, they are making disposition to invade us with large armaments by sea and land, which is a style of asking gifts not reconcilable to our freedom. They are also proceeding to a repetition of injury, by passing Acts for restraining the Commerce and Fisheries of the Provinces of New-England, and for prohibiting the Trade of the other Colonies with all parts of the world, except the Islands of Great Britain, Ireland, and the West-Indies. This seems to bespeak no intention to discontinue the exercise of this usurped power over us in future.

Because, on our agreeing to contribute our proportion towards the common defence, they do not propose to lay open to us a free trade with all the world: whereas, to us it appears just, that those who bear equally the burdens of Government, should equally participate of its benefits. Either be content with the monopoly of our trade, which brings greater loss to us and benefit to them than the amount of our proportional contributions to the common defence; or, if the latter be preferred, relinquish the former, and do not propose, by holding both, to exact from us double contributions. Yet we would remind Government, that on former emergencies, when called upon as a free people, however cramped by this monopoly in our resources of wealth, we have liberally contributed to the common defence. Be assured, then, that we shall be as generous in future as in past times, disdaining the shackles of proportion when called to our free station in the general system of the Empire.

Because the proposition now made to us involves the interest of all the other Colonies. We are now represented in General Congress by members approved by this House, where our former union, it is hoped, will be so strongly cemented, that no partial application can produce the slightest departure from the common cause. We consider ourselves as bound in honour, as well as interest, to share one general fate with our sister Colonies, and should hold ourselves base deserters of that union to which we have acceded, were we to agree on any measures distinct and apart from them.

To observe that there was, indeed, a plan of accommodation offered in Parliament, which, though not entirely equal to the terms we had a right to ask, yet differed but in few points from what the General Congress had held out. Had Parliament been disposed sincerely, as we are, to bring about a reconciliation, reasonable men had hoped that by meeting us on this ground, something might have been done. Lord Chatham’s bill, on the one part, and the terms of the Congress on the other, would have formed a basis for negotiation, which a spirit of accommodation on both sides might, perhaps, have reconciled. It came recommended, too, from one whose successful experience in the art of Government should have insured to it some attention from those to whom it was tendered. He had shown to the world, that Great Britain, with her Colonies, united firmly under a just and honest Government, formed a power which might bid defiance to the most potent enemies. With a change of Ministers, however, a total change of measures took place: the component parts of the Empire have, from that moment, been falling asunder, and a total annihilation of its weight in the political scale of the world seems justly to be apprehended.

To declare that these are our sentiments on this important subject, which we offer only as an individual part of the whole Empire. Final determination we leave to the General Congress now sitting, before whom we shall lay the papers his Lordship has communicated to us. To their wisdom we commit the improvement of this important advance: if it can be wrought into any good, we are assured they will do it. To them, also, we refer the discovery of that proper method of representing our well-founded grievances, which his Lordship assures us will meet with the attention and regard so justly due to them. For ourselves, we have exhausted every mode of application which our invention could suggest as proper and promising. We have decently remonstrated with Parliament: they have added new injuries to the old. We have wearied our King with supplications: he has not deigned to answer us. We have appealed to the native honour and justice of the British Nation: their efforts in our favour have been hitherto ineffectual. What, then, remains to be done? That we commit our injuries to the evenhanded justice of that Being who doth no wrong, earnestly beseeching him to illuminate the counsels, and prosper the endeavours of those to whom America hath confided her hopes, that through their wise direction we may again see reunited the blessings of liberty, property, and union with Great Britain.

The said Resolution being read a second time, was, upon the question being put thereupon, agreed to by the House.

Ordered, That a Committee be appointed to draw up an Address to be presented to the Governour upon the said Resolution.

And a Committee was appointed, of Mr. Cary, Mr. Treasurer, Mr. Jefferson, Mr. Munford, Mr. Mercer, Mr. Jones, Mr. Digges, and Mr. Nelson.

A Message from the Council, by Mr. Blair:

MR. SPEAKER: His Excellency the Governour hath desired the President to communicate to this House his Answer to the joint Address of the Council and the House of Burgesses, presented yesterday to his Excellency. And he presented the said Answer at the bar.

And then the Messenger withdrew.

The Governour’s Answer was read, and is as followeth, viz:

Gentlemen of the Council, Mr. Speaker and

Gentlemen of the House of Burgesses:

In answer to your joint Address, presented by your Deputies yesterday, I acquaint you that it appears to me the commotions among the people, and their menaces and threats (an enumeration of which I forbear out of tenderness) have been of such publick notoriety, that you must suppose many of His Majesty’s subjects in this Colony, whether they meditated or not, have at least manifested such an inveteracy as justifies my suspicion that they would not hesitate to commit a crime, which, horrid and atrocious as it is, I had just ground to apprehend.* And when the disposition which the House of Burgesses have shown to me, the returns they have made to the respect and civility which I have been forward to offer them, the countenance they have given to the violent and disorderly proceedings of the people, His Majesty’s magazine having been forced and rifled in the presence of some of the members of the House of Burgesses, and, by the information of the Committee of the House appointed to inspect the magazine, no other endeavours have been used than to prevail on the

* LONDON, August 3, 1775.—Many persons have been at a loss to account for Lord Dunmore’s late conduct; but we have authority to say, that the true reason of his Lordship’s retiring on board the Fowey, man-of-war, was an express from General Gage by the Otter, sloop-of-war, which was despatched on the seventh of June, to acquaint him of his intention of publishing the Proclamation, which appeared on the twelfth, that he might secure himself from being seized and detained as a hostage in the hands of the Americans, in case of the apprehension of Messrs. Adams and Hancock.