to you the difficulty there is in restraining an incensed multitude. Many people, the irritation of whose minds had but lately subsided, we understand, had been again greatly alarmed at a late unfortunate accident which happened to some inconsiderate young men, in their unlawful attempt to furnish themselves with arms out of the magazine; an attempt, my Lord, which we condemn as highly as your Lordship can. But whether some little apology may not be suggested, from that universal anxiety which all mankind have to prepare for the defence of their lives and property, we will not determine. The point is delicate, and we leave the world to judge of it. But the means contrived, in pursuance of your Lordship’s orders, by which an unfortunate culprit might probably have been hurried into eternity, without a moment’s time for reflection, we conceive can do no great honour to humanity, which, we should have supposed, would have dictated the necessity of at least giving publick notice that spring-guns were prepared and fixed, which, it is imagined, would have answered every purpose of security to the magazine.

Your Lordship’s reflections on our Committee, and, through them, upon this whole House, we think might have been spared, after what passed early in the session. Had the Committee misbehaved, we should not have been backward in taking proper notice of it. When we received your Lordship’s very temperate message respecting their conduct, we addressed your Excellency, in hopes, by having matters properly explained, of removing all umbrage you might have taken. Your Lordship’s reply to this message induced us to believe that you were satisfied; but it seems we must again enter on the same subject, or remain exposed to the weight of your Lordship’s censure.

Reflecting on what had happened, the House judged it an indispensable duty they owed their constituents, to inquire into the state of the publick magazine; and, before they knew of the late disturbances, appointed a Committee for that purpose. The Committee, previous to their taking any other step, waited upon your Excellency, and in the most respectful manner desired that you would be pleased to direct the keeper of the magazine to give them access thereto. The key was delivered to them by your Lordship’s orders; they at the same time informed your Excellency of the confusion that had happened; and that they had, to prevent the like depredations, requested some gentlemen of the Town to guard the magazine, till proper measures could be taken for its further security, which your Lordship did not make the least objection to. There had been, by your Excellency’s permission, a considerable quantity of copper money; belonging to the country, lodged in the magazine. This was an additional reason for the Committee’s taking a precaution which your Lordship is pleased to call “ordering and appointing guards, without consulting you, to mount in the City of Williamsburgh,” and a design to usurp the “Executive power.” The Committee did not pretend to any authority to mount guard; and had your Lordship disliked what they thought a prudent step in the then confused state of things, it would have been kind in your Lordship to have intimated as much. Upon the Committee’s inquiry, they found, indeed, that there was little worth guarding in the magazine, the powder having been all removed, except about five half barrels, buried, by your Excellency’s order, in the yard, for what purpose we cannot conceive, and all the valuable muskets having been spoiled of their locks.

Your Lordship speaks of a body of men assembled in the City of Williamsburgh, not only to the “knowledge, but with the approbation of every body, for the avowed purpose of attacking a party of the King’s forces, which it was reported, though without foundation, was marching to your Lordship’s protection.” We know of no men, my Lord, assembled for the purpose you mention, though you are pleased to say it was done with the “knowledge and approbation of every body,” in which number we suppose the House of Burgesses were particularly designed to be included. Upon the best information, the truth appears to be this: An account was brought into the City in the morning, that Captain Collins, of the Magdalen, had slipped his cable; and was come up the river with a number of boats, in which there were said to be a hundred armed men at least, intended to be marched into the City. It could not be conceived what was proposed by this manoeuvre: the City was quiet, and we believe no man in it suspected that your Lordship could have the least apprehension that your person was in danger; nor had we the smallest suspicion of your fears, till the receipt of your former message, acquainting us of your removal. The citizens, however, as well as others, were astonished, and somewhat alarmed, not knowing what was intended. Your Lordship may remember, that His Majesty’s Council, from their address to your Excellency, were not without their apprehensions. A number of the inhabitants, and we suppose some others, but how many we know not, assembled under arms, that they might be prepared to defend the City and its inhabitants, in case any thing hostile should be attempted. This, we are convinced, was their only view. Upon their being made acquainted with your Lordship’s answer to the Council, we understood that they all immediately retired peaceably and quietly, without any disturbance. The City was again at rest, and continued composed till they heard of your Lordship’s removal, with your family, in the dead of night, as if you could have supposed that any one would have attempted to offer you any obstruction, or to interfere with your inclination. This extraordinary step, which none could account for, occasioned great consternation in the City, and we believe would surprise the whole world, were they acquainted with it.

We have already, my Lord, in a former address, of which, according to custom, a copy was left with you, and which you directed to have presented on a certain day, long since passed, without your giving us an opportunity of doing it, assigned the reasons why we could not interpose our legislative authority respecting the Courts of Justice.

The occasion and design of forming Independent Companies at first, and the rise of Volunteer Companies afterwards, we have already explained, and cannot see the necessity of abolishing them. They are not designed to interfere with your Lordship’s full exercise of the legal and constitutional powers of your Government, which we would wish to have supported on all occasions; and are of opinion, that the laws in force are competent to that end. But if it is expected that the Country should again be thrown into a defenseless state, self-preservation, the first law of nature, forbids it. If your Lordship were really apprehensive that your person was in danger, the tender of the Council and this House, of their most effectual assistance to remove every appearance of risk, we were hopeful would have quieted all your fears. A proper guard, at the publick expense, would have been at your service, had you judged it necessary. Your Lordship’s declining to propose such a measure as we, consistent with our own security, could accept, and demanding what you must have known was not in our power to comply with, affords no strong evidence of your inclination to restore tranquility to this Country. Those who have taken any of His Majesty’s publick store of arms, are open to the law, which has its full operation as heretofore; and we wish not to interrupt its course. But surely your. Lordship cannot expect us, by any new act, which would be ex post facto in the most odious sense of the words, to inflict other pains and penalties for offences already committed. This, we conceive, would be the greatest infringement of a fundamental principle of our excellent Constitution. Such a practice may, indeed, have obtained under another meridian, but it is not, my Lord, of American growth. Whether that spirit of persecution, which your Lordship has been pleased to describe, prevails in this Country, we appeal to the evidence which appears on our Journals. Were those, and those only, to be considered as persecuted men, who, from principles and duty, are attached to their King and his Government, we ourselves, my Lord, should fall under this predicament, and perhaps may, with justice, think humanity disgraced by such proceedings. That some few people may have been deluded, we shall not question. The utmost pains, we know, have been taken, in different Colonies, to alarm them with the “disfigured side of the American” story, and to render them deaf and blind to their true interest and political salvation. So far as our example can influence the people of this Country in preserving their loyalty to His Majesty, a proper respect to Government, and the good order of society, your Lordship may be assured that it shall be made as diffusive as possible.