worsted and disgraced in America. I know the value of British disciplined troops, but a thousand American gunmen, on their own intricate, advantageous ground, it is likely, at any time, will defeat a large number of any European Troops.

Your Lordship will find that I speak from actual experience, having travelled for observation and information through all the Provinces, nearly, and carefully noted the militia and people. They make the most useful guns in America, and upon a moderate computation, have now about four hundred thousand British and American made guns of the common size, including a large quantity of rifled barrels, much cannon and ammunition, and can, with amazing expedition, if forced thereto, embody fifty thousand disciplined troops, mostly used to the woods and hunting, with thirty thousand irregulars to assist occasionally, and who will do surprising execution. Americans cannot want men, or paper money, ever in human appearance, and are an active, prudent people—moderate, but with astonishing resolution and courage, and expert gun-men from their youth, and whose women breed them plenty of soldiers in this climate.

No respectable body of people, my Lord, of either Catholicks, Churchmen, or Dissenters, in America, will ever agree to any measures but either requisition, or a free voluntary revenue. All the Colonies are fixed in unanimity, and unanimous in those points. Americans will cleave together undivided; those that tell otherwise are deceivers (intentionally) that would absolutely ruin Government, and are not to be credited in the smallest degree. The most eligible plan is, to try their free, voluntary generosity. May God interpose. Suspending the restraining acts, and withdrawing the extra men-of-war and extra troops immediately, in time, before desertion, sickness, and winter advances—that is, excepting only the customary number of regiments in usual places, for it evidently appears that they can act only to disadvantage in this Country, consequently must (if God permit) end in disappointment and disgrace to Britons; Americans to have their Continental Congress annually, or as occasion may require; and to proportion their revenue themselves, for no other people can possibly measure, or truly judge of their ability; Britain to repeal all the American Acts, except those existing at the conclusion of the last war. All affairs then, and not till then, will be peaceable, happy, and well for the civil and religious constitutional rights and liberties of Great Britain, and her Empire in America.

I am, my Lord, your Lordship’s most obedient humble servant,

S. SP. SKINNER.

“The extract, dated NEW–YORK, June 8, 1775.—My field of view never extended beyond the line of endeavouring to prevent an arbitrary unconstitutional mode of raising a revenue; an unconstitutional tax or duty, or a compulsive revenue, I certainly will reprobate to the hour of my death, but a free voluntary revenue toward support of Government at large, I shall think it my duty to promote; for, as it is a well known truth, that a people who are taxed without their consent, can have no property which they can properly call their own; so, in the contrary scale, and by a parity of experimental reasoning, it is equally true, that without Government is steadily fixed on a broad substantial bottom, we can then, in either case, have no property which we can safely call our own.

“The ministerial proposition for a reconciliation (as it now stands) is compulsive, and in part inadmissible, but it doth not appear prudent or polite to reject the whole of it; yet it ought immediately to be stripped of its abstruse and complicated drapery—the proposition ought to be rendered plain, and modelled exactly to the Constitution. There doth not appear the least doubt but the rough plan may be polished; I think it might be fashioned and improved so as to give quietness and full satisfaction to every reasonable person in Great Britain and America; but it doth not seem advisable, or useful, for any Assembly to take up the proposition disjunctively, but by the honourable Continental Congress, who, no doubt, will return proposition conciliatory, for proposition received.

“America’s favourite plan of requisition is a very good one, provided a difference of times and circumstances doth not after the case. The good old King George the Second was constrained to conform to the fashion of those times, and to renew his civil list annually by requisition from his Parliament; but his present Majesty, in that point, is furnished out with more consequence, and not in the same predicament; the King hath his civil list of eight hundred thousand pounds per annum, established by Parliament during life, with an addenda in course of two or three hundred thousand pounds more, which leaveth less room for requisition; so that notwithstanding it was eligible, and a very proper mode for America with George the Second, it is now rather ineligible and out of fashion with George the Third.

“In lieu of requisition, suppose we should copy the British Parliament, and (waiving punctilios) do, ourselves, honourably propose a moderate voluntary revenue, suitable to our circumstances, to be forwarded in country produce (as we have but little or no hard cash) as a free gift from all the Provinces in America conjunctively; and presented annually to the Crown for life, in addition to His Majesty’s civil list establishment, provided the extra Troops are withdrawn immediately, and the damage made good to Boston, &c.; and the tea act, and all the accursed acts that sprung from its root are previously repealed; and all our oppressive acts to be repealed. Even all the acts, excepting those of navigation, and a very few others, may conveniently and reputably be laid aside, in consequence of our politically offering, and rightly timing for greasing the wheels of Government, or granting a free voluntary revenue, in proportion to our small ability, and also in further consideration of extra expenses in supporting more of our own civil establishments.

“This mode of procedure, or something analogous, I apprehend would preserve entire (and in no degree violate) the true constitutional liberty of America, by steering clear as possible of the inconveniency of the British Parliament; it would give additional consequence to His Majesty, and, at the same time, would have a strong tendency to quiet our enemies at home, as it would exhibit to the deluded Britons a striking specimen of American politeness and generosity. It is really true policy, and would ease those our industrious brethren (who labour hard and die poor) a small proportion in their excessively burdensome duties and taxes; for they are annually obliged, every session of Parliament, to make provision for some material deficiency in the civil list establishment.

“As it appears possible, and very probable, that the main substantial end can be accomplished, and that completely at this juncture, with great honour, and without any further accumulated destruction of blood and property, let me most earnestly entreat that we may warily regard the important matter immediately, agree to a cessation of hostilities, and by every possible, honourable means, negotiate to evade involving and continuing the destructive contest, respecting any particular construction of words, or singular mode to accommodate and finish the perplexed subject in dispute. Let us negotiate, and meet the British Ministry at the threshold of their opened door, and return a proposition conciliatory for their proposition; but let us cleave together to the Constitution for ever; and when our lives, &c., are villanously attacked, we are undoubtedly in every respect justifiable in effectual resistance and self-defence. And may it please God to grant happiness, and constant success to us in the event thereof.

“S. SP. SKINNER.

“N. B. Altercation may ensue; but your Lordship’s good sense will easily discriminate truth and honesty from sophistry and falsehood.”

DECLARATION OF JAMES BALL.

Warwick, July 1, 1775.

Whereas I, the subscriber, an inhabitant of the Town of Warwick, hereby humbly acknowledge that I have given great offence to the Committee of Correspondence, and other leading men, and all the inhabitants of said Warwick, by my past misconduct, in casting reflections on the Congresses, and not giving or even trying to give satisfaction to the Committee of Correspondence of said Warwick, when requested agreeable to the Congress; for which I am heartily sorry, and humbly ask forgiveness. I hereby heartily agree to abide by all the doings and resolutions of the Continental and Provincial Congresses, as long as the major part of