authority of this Kingdom, permit us, most gracious Sovereign, to beseech you, that those operations of force, which at present distract them with the most dreadful apprehensions, may be suspended; and that, uncontrolled by a restraint incompatible with a free Government, they may possess an opportunity of tendering such terms of accommodation as we doubt not will approve them worthy of a distinguished rank amongst the firmest friends of this Country.

His Majesty’s Answer.

I am always ready to listen to the dutiful Petitions of my subjects, and ever happy to comply with their reasonable requests; but while the constitutional authority of this Kingdom is resisted by part of my American subjects, I owe it to the rest of my people, of whose zeal and fidelity I have had such constant proofs, to continue and enforce those measures by which alone their rights and interests can be asserted and maintained.

London, July 22, 1775.

Yesterday was held a Court of Common Council, when a motion was made by Mr. Hurford, and seconded by Mr. Harrison, that this Court do order a letter, signed by the Town Clerk, to be sent to Isaac Low, Esq., Chairman of the New-York Committee, in order to be by him laid before the Committee, acknowledging the receipt of the Committee’s letter to this Court, enclosing a copy of this Court’s late Petition and Address to His Majesty, and His Majesty’s Answer; upon which a previous question was moved by Mr. Deputy Leeky; the main question being read, the question was whether that be now put; for which there were two Aldermen, forty-seven Commoners, and two Tellers; total fifty-one. Against the question being put, six Aldermen, fifty-six Commoners, and two Tellers; total sixty-four. Majority against putting the main question, thirteen.

DR. FRANKLIN TO DR. JOSEPH PRIESTLEY, IN ENGLAND.

Philadelphia, July 7, 1775.

DEAR FRIEND: The Congress met at a time when all minds were so exasperated by the perfidy of General Gage, and his attack on the country people, that propositions for attempting an accommodation were not much relished; and it has been with difficulty that we have carried another humble Petition to the Crown, to give Britain one more chance, one opportunity more of recovering the friendship of the Colonies; which, however, I think she has not sense enough to embrace, and so I conclude she has lost them for ever.

She has begun to burn our seaport Towns; secure, I suppose, we shall never be able to return the outrage in kind. She may doubtless destroy them all; but if she wishes to recover our commerce, are these the probable means? She must certainly be distracted; for no tradesman out of Bedlam ever thought of increasing the number of his customers by knocking them on the head; or of enabling them to pay their debts by burning their houses.

If she wishes to have us subjects, and that we should submit to her as our compound sovereign, she is now giving us such miserable specimens of her government, that we shall ever detest and avoid it, as a complication of robbery, murder, famine, fire, and pestilence.

You will have heard, before this reaches you, of the treacherous conduct of General Gage to the remaining people in Boston, in detaining their goods, after stipulating to let them go out with their effects, on pretence that merchants’ goods were not effects; the defeat of a great body of his troops by the country people at Lexington; some other small advantages gained in skirmishes with their troops; and the action at Bunker’s Hill, in which they were twice repulsed, and the third time gained a dear victory. Enough has happened, one would think, to convince your Ministers that the Americans will fight, and that this is a harder nut to crack than they imagined.

We have not yet applied to any foreign Power for assistance, nor offered our commerce for their friendship. Perhaps we never may: yet it is natural to think of it, if we are pressed.

We have now an Army on the establishment, which still holds yours besieged.

My time was never more fully employed. In the morning, at six, I am at the Committee of Safety, appointed by the Assembly to put the Province in a state of defence; which Committee holds till near nine, when I am at the Congress, and that sits till after four in the afternoon. Both these bodies proceed with the greatest unanimity, and their meetings are well attended. It will scarce be credited in Britain, that men can be as diligent with us from zeal for the publick good, as with you for thousands per annum. Such is the difference between uncorrupted new States, and corrupted old ones.

Great frugality and great industry are now become fashionable here; gentlemen, who used to entertain with two or three courses, pride themselves now in treating with simple beef and pudding. By these means, and the stoppage of our consumptive trade with Britain, we shall be better able to pay our voluntary taxes for the support of our Troops. Our savings in the article of trade amount to near five million sterling per annum.

I shall communicate your letter to Mr. Winthrop, but the camp is at Cambridge, and he has as little leisure for philosophy as myself. Believe me ever, with sincere esteem, my dear friend, yours most affectionately.

B. FRANKLIN.

JOHN DICKINSON TO ARTHUR LEE.

Fairhill, July 7, 1775.

DEAR SIR: Before this comes to hand, you will have received, I presume, the Petition to the King. You will perhaps at first be surprised that we make no claim, and mention no right. But I hope, on considering all circumstances, you will be of opinion that this humility, in an address to the Throne, is at present proper.

Our rights have been already stated, our claims made; war is actually begun, and we are carrying it on vigorously. This conduct, and our other publications, will show that our spirits are not lowered. If Administration be desirous of stopping the effusion of British blood, the opportunity is now offered to them by an unexceptionable Petition, praying for an accommodation. If they reject this application with contempt, the more humble it is the more such treatment will confirm the minds of our countrymen to endure all the misfortunes that may attend the contest.

I do not know what is thought in London of the several engagements near Boston; but this you may be assured of, that every one of them has been favourable to us, and particularly that of Bunker’s Hill, on the 17th of last month, when a mere carnage was made of the Royalists, though they gained the intrenchments.

I am, dear Sir, your very affectionate humble servant,

JOHN DICKINSON.

GENERAL WOOSTER TO NEW-YORK CONGRESS.

Camp near New-York, July 7, 1775.

SIR: We have among the Connecticut Troops a number of apprentices, and indented servants who ran away from their masters in this City, and have enlisted themselves, and received their pay in Connecticut. Since our arrival in this place, many of them have been, detained in town by their masters. As the Governour of Connecticut has subjected me and the Troops under my command to the direction of the Continental and this Provincial Congress, I desire you, Sir, to take the opinion of your Congress, and advise me what plan of conduct I shall pursue with regard to such persons, and you will oblige, Sir, your humble servant,

DAVID WOOSTER.

To Peter V. B. Livingston, Esq., President of the Provincial Congress.

WESTCHESTER COMMITTEE TO NEW-YORK CONGRESS.

White Plains, July 7, 1775.

SIR: The Committee of Westchester County, sensible of the great consequence, in our present struggle for liberty, of having officers of the Militia, who are sincere friends of the Country; and also that many, if not a majority of the Militia officers in this County, upon account of their oath of allegiance, or from sinister motives, endeavour to counteract the present measures, as far as possible; do request the Provincial Congress to take the same into consideration,