in regard to the unhappy contest now prevailing between Great Britain and these Colonies, that I am heartily sorry, and do now humbly ask the forgiveness of all the friends of America for the same; and do promise that I will not offend in like manner again, but will do all that lays in power for the defence of the rights and privileges of this Country; and shall ever esteem it my greatest happiness of a temporal nature to enjoy the favour and friendship of the people with whom I now dwell; and will for the future pay due obedience to the lawful authority and advices of this Province, and determine to stand or fall with the fate of the same; heartily wishing that every resolution and determination for the good of the publick may have its desired effect.

ADAM MCCULLOCH.

TO THE PEOPLE.

London, July 11, 1775.

Awake, my countrymen! appeal to your own understandings, and value, as you ought, your excellent form of Government. What man amongst us, when his private rights are invaded, does not immediately seek redress for the injury he has sustained? What wretch is there, then, so shamefully degenerated, as to be an unconcerned spectator of his Country’s ruin? As Government was instituted for our good, we are to know whether our governours have our interest at heart. Actions must speak for themselves; we are not to be deluded by empty professions. It is our duty to prolong the life of liberty, and not to let the shackles of slavery be imposed upon this; or any future generation. While our Country remains, all good men, I am sure, will unite in this purpose, to deem nothing too hard to be endured or done for its interest, provided it be consistent with the laws of that more ancient and sacred association of mankind, of which God is the parent and governour. Let us look back to the beginning of the present reign, and see in what manner our most sacred rights and liberties have been infringed, and daringly violated. We patiently, to our great shame, endure innumerable oppressions, when our noble ancestors, at the expense of their lives, would have had ample redress for a single grievance.

The first stride of despotism and arbitrary power, was in arresting English subjects, and even a member of the British Legislature, by virtue of a general warrant, issued by a Secretary of State, contrary to the laws of the land.

We have seen their houses rifled and plundered, their papers seized, and used as evidence upon trial.

Their bodies committed to close imprisonment.

The Habeas Corpus eluded.

Trial by Jury discountenanced, and the first law officer of the Crown publickly insinuating that Juries are not to be trusted.

Printers punished by the Ministry in the Supreme Court, without a trial by their equals—without any trial at all.

The remedy of the law for false imprisonment barred and defeated.

The plaintiff and his attorney, for their appeal to the law of the land, punished by expenses and imprisonment, and made, by forced engagement, to desist from their legal claim.

A writing determined to be a libel by a Court, where it was not cognizable in the first instance, contrary to law, because all appeal is thereby cut off; and inferiour Courts and Juries influenced by such predetermination.

A person condemned in the said Court, as the author of the supposed libel, unheard, without defence or trial.

Unjust treatment of Petitions, in selecting parts to criminate the petitioner, and refusing to hear those which might procure him redress.

Perpetual imprisonment of an Englishman without trial, conviction, or sentence, by the same mode of attachment, wherein the same person is at once party, accuser, judge, and jury.

Instead of the ancient legal civil police, the military introduced at every opportunity, unnecessarily and unlawfully patrolling the streets, to the alarm and terrour of the inhabitants.

The lives of many of our fellow subjects destroyed by military execution.

Such military execution solemnly adjudged to be legal.

Murder abetted, encouraged, and rewarded.

A large Standing Army kept in times of profound peace, contrary to an express article of the Bill of Rights.

The Civil Magistracy rendered contemptible, by the appointment of improper persons.

Civil Magistrates tampered with by Administration, and neglecting and refusing to do their duty.

Mobs and rioters hired and raised by the Ministry, to justify and recommend their illegal proceedings.

The freedom of Election violated by corrupt and undue influence, by unpunished violence and murder.

The verdicts of Juries and opinion of Judges overruled, and determinations of law set aside by new, unprecedented, and dangerous means, thereby leaving the guilty without restraint, and the innocent without redress, and the lives of fellow-subjects at the mercy of every ruffian protected by Administration.

Obsolete and vexatious claims of the Crown set on foot, for partial and election purposes.

Partial attacks on the liberty of the Press; pernicious libels against the Constitution allowed to pass unnoticed, when the slightest libel against a Minister is punished with the utmost rigour.

Wicked attempts to increase and establish an enormous Standing Army, by endeavouring to vest in the Crown an unlimited power over the Militia.

Resolutions of one branch of the Legislature set up as the law of the land.

Publick Money shamefully squandered and unaccounted for; all inquiry into the Civil List prevented.

Inquiry into a Paymaster’s publick accounts stopped, though the sums unaccounted for amount to above forty millions sterling.

Publick loans perverted to private Ministerial purposes.

Prostitution of publick honours and rewards to men who can neither plead publick virtue nor services.

Irreligion and immorality encouraged by Administration, both by example and precept.

Right of taxation assumed without any representation, in direct violation of the law of the land.

Our fellow subjects in America plundered and butchered by an Army, their complaints unheard, and their oppression hourly increasing.

Lastly, our right of Petition denied, contrary to an express article of Magna Charta.

These, with many other infringements of our rights, demand our earliest exertions in the true cause of liberty and our Country. Our children are dear to us, so are our wives, our parents, our kinsmen, our friends and acquaintance. But our Country contains within it all those objects of endearment; and therefore it is the duty of every good man to be ready to lay down his life for it, if he can thus do it service. Rouse up, for shame! and revenge your wrongs. A voice from our fellow subjects on the Continent, animated with a true love of liberty, calls aloud to action. Great Sidney’s shade complains that we are slow, and Allen’s ghost stalks unrevenged amongst us.

BRUTUS.

JOHN GRENNELL TO NEW-YORK CONGRESS.

Huntington, Long-Island, July 11, 1775.

SIR: Agreeable to instructions received from the respectable the Provincial Congress for enlisting men, I now report my proceedings therein to you. Have served the subalterns with their instructions, and received their answer, that it is in convenient for them to accept, by reason of business, which alone prevents their serving the Country at this time. In consequence thereof, I now enclose their warrants, and humbly crave the liberty to recommend to the notice of the Committee of Safety two other gentlemen, who will serve, and be acceptable to the people that I expect to enlist.

The refusal of those gentlemen has prevented my progress in that matter, as other officers in their stead may perhaps be appointed under whom they would not so readily serve, and therefore postpone the business until it is known. The gentlemen I have in view are, Mr. Samuel Smith, of Smithtown, first Lieutenant, and Mr. Alexander Ketchum, of this place, second Lieutenant. Harvesting, which is at the height, has greatly impeded the enlisting. Some have offered, but I thought prudent not to enroll them until that business was over, when a prospect appears of filling up the company at once, which will be a saving