not impossible, to furnish them in any tolerable season, and considering the much greater convenience, in point of conveyance, with which they may be had from New-York, I have thought proper to desire that your Province will furnish our troops, under command of Colonel Hinman, with such number of tents as will be necessary for their use. The complement of men to his said Regiment is one thousand, including officers.

You will please to inform me, per return of this express, whether my request may be complied with, as, on failure, we shall endeavour to exert ourselves in the best manner we can. I am, with great truth and esteem, Sir, your most obedient humble servant,

JONA. TRUMBULL.

Hon. Peter V. B. Livingston, Esquire.

GENERAL THOMAS TO GENERAL WASHINGTON.

Roxbury Camp, July 25, 1775.

SIR: There was information forwarded to Head-Quarters yesterday, P. M., of the sailing of thirteen ships from Boston. I sent one Captain Davis down the harbour to watch their motions, and he reports, on his return, that they put to sea, and stood their course about east-south-east, which appears as if they were bound to the southward; that course would lead them out by Cape Cod, and to the chops of the South Channel.

I am, Sir, with great respect, your most obedient humble servant,

JOHN THOMAS.

To his Excellency General Washington.

EXTRACT OF A LETTER TO A GENTLEMAN IN LONDON, FROM AN OFFICER IN BOSTON, DATED JULY 25, 1775.

As far as I can guess from a matter not perfectly known, we at present are worse off than the rebels. In point of numbers they so surpass us, that we are like a few children in the midst of a large crowd. Trusting to this superiority, they grow daily more and more bold, menacing us most insolently, and we fear, when the days shorten, and dark nights come on, they will put some of their threats in execution, unless other re-enforcements, and a fleet of men-of-war arrive soon. They know our situation as well as we do ourselves, from the villains that are left in Town, who acquaint them with all our proceedings, making signals by night with gunpowder, and at day out of the church steeples. About three weeks ago three fellows were taken out of one of the latter, who confess they had been so employed for seven days. Another was caught last week swimming over to the rebels, with one of their General’s passes in his pocket; he will be hanged in a day or two.

Since we have been here, we have been re-enforced by four Regiments; but many of the men are very ill with fluxes, occasioned by the bad water which they got on landing, and the want of fresh provisions. No action has happened since the 17th of June. A few shot have been exchanged by scouting parties; one morning they beat in our advanced guard, and burnt the guard-house; and on the, 19th instant they set fire to the Light-house, and one of our men-of-war lying but a mile from it. As it was calm we could not get at them, their whale-boats, in which they made their escape, outrowing any of our boats, and a small island lying between them and the ship, prevented her firing on them. They took from the Light-house a six pounder and a swivel.

EXTRACT OF A LETTER FROM A GENTLEMAN IN LONDON TO HIS FRIEND IN NEW-YORK, DATED JULY 26, 1775.

I have seen the Ministry, and conversed with the first person near our Sovereign, and with confidence can assure you that I have not heard one word fall from the lips of those people that had the least tendency to enslave the Colonists. I find the language of humanity breathes forth; their bosoms seem to heave with compassion for a people under an unhappy delusion; observe, I use the common phrase here. Lord North’s motion, as explained to me, and generally understood in England, was certainly the groundwork for a conciliatory superstructure, if not an ample compliance with the demands of America. Its implication I shall confine within the compass of a few word, viz: Great Britain to recede from external and internal taxation on each Colony giving, by way of requisition, money towards defraying that expense necessary for the defence of the Empire. Believe me the quantum, as I am informed, is not the object; but an acknowledgment of that superintending power always exercised by Great Britain over its external Dominions—a superintending power absolutely necessary for promoting the happiness of Colonies so widely differing in commercial interests. It is true Great Britain reserves a power to lay duties on such articles of commerce as interferes with its own manufactures; but the revenue arising from such duties, to be carried to account of the Colony where they are laid. It likewise reserves a power to compel any refractory Colony to fulfil its engagements. In our memory, good Sir, when some Colonies refused to contribute their quotas when the service of America required its united force, even some of the Assemblies and Continental Conventions complained of it, and declared that Parliament should interfere to compel the delinquent Colonies to do what was necessary.

I am informed here that Parliament has, by its Constitution, certain inherent rights, which it cannot divest itself of; that of a supreme legislative power over the extended dominions is one. It may, and in this case I am very well informed certainly will, give the Colonies such securities that it will not exercise it, except in the cases above mentioned. The inexpediency of exercising this power over the Colonies in all cases is manifest, that is, after the controverted points are settled. Viewing the dispute in the light I have here pointed it out, why will not America meet England on friendly and equitable ground, and settle the dispute by negotiation, rather than let the horrours of civil war carry devastation through your once happy peaceful land. Painful reflection. This dispute must have an end. If it is settled by the longest sword, the cause of quarrel will be forgot, and the terms of peace adequate to the success of the victorious. Why will the demands of America be left in so precarious a situation? The events of war are uncertain; the battle is not always in favour of the strong. Every thing that I see round me, indicates vigorous measures on the part of England. It is in peace with its neighbouring states; trade flourishing at home and tranquillity in every County; the Parliament at all events determined to support its authority; and I believe as willing to give generous terms to the Colonies.

I have but too great reason to believe America has had many false friends on this side the Atlantick, I mean those who convey from hence wrong accounts of the situation of affairs here, which made the Americans view them through a false medium. Local politicks in influenced some, others oppose Government on any principles, and care not if America was deluged in blood, if their private purposes were answered. Why will not the friends of peace now stand forth, and endeavour to heal the wound before it becomes incurable? The spirit of England beats high. The most vigorous measures you may depend on will be pursued. If success attends the King’s troops, you can easily foresee the consequences: a flourishing and once happy country reduced to the greatest distress; commerce, that souce of wealth, banished the coast; civil discord diffused through all ranks of people; the bands of civil society dissolved; and anarchy, with all its baneful attendants, substituted in the place of good order. On the other hand, if the Provincials succeed, it must be in the course of many hard-fought battles. And pray, will success on their side be an equivalent for the loss they must sustain in the pursuit of It? It will not. The American trade must suffer; the farmer, the merchant, and the wealthy inhabitants who, by many years industry, have purchased a peaceful retirement from the busy world, must be reduced to the lowest ebb of distress. And for what? In pursuit of an object which could be obtained on easy and honourable terms.

Exert yourself, my dear friend, in your Country’s cause. Promote, as far as you can, a reconciliation between the parent and her children. I wish not to see America lose a particle of its right: but I wish to see that right obtained in a manner consistent with the dignity of Britons and of Christians. It has been said American Petitions have not been received. Let not this opinion prevent another application in this mode. If it is done in time, and constitutionally, believe me, success will attend it. I love America; I have chosen it voluntarily for my residence; and I hope