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I think, cannot be too often exposed, nor do I think an Englishman can spend his time better at this juncture, than to inquire into the nature of power, and impartially consider in whose hands it may prove most dangerous, and where it may be most effectual for the security of that invaluable blessing, liberty. Many states, I think, may be named where the governing and ministerial part have, by force or fraud, at some time or other, overturned the liberties of the people, and set up absolute dominion; but I believe it will be very difficult to shew where liberty, and fulness of power in the people, have encouraged them to disturb the peace of their Country. Some may, perhaps, mention the United Provinces; but they cannot be produced as a proof, for it was oppression that made them revolt. If we look at home, I hope I may be allowed to say, (without incurring the name of disaffected,) that the exaction of ship money, the proceedings of the Star Chamber, and the imprisonment of members, are very evident proofs, that it was not an overflow of liberty, or too great power in the people, that excited them to rebel. Should we look into the Governments of antiquity, we shall find many proofs in favour of the people. In the great state of Rome I. believe we shall find, upon the most exact scrutiny, that every popular commotion was preceded by some act of oppression from the Senate, and that the power of the people was always obstructed in its legal operation before they appealed to arms. It was therefore the spirit of liberty to regain their power, not a wantonness in the people, that occasioned such an appeal. The case was the same in the Revolution of England. King James usurped the power of the people, and invaded their liberties, which made it necessary for them to apply to foreign assistance; and this necessity proves it was not the power of the people which brought about that happy event; for had it been the power of the people, it would have operated sooner, and prevented King James from carrying on his injurious proceedings, which not having power enough to do, rather than acquiesce under them, they chose to submit their lives and fortunes to the uncertain chance of war. It was therefore a want of power in the people which made the Revolution necessary, not a fulness of their power which accomplished it. It was the act of a distressed people, not a free people; for surely a state cannot be free if the people have not the means of making themselves so without committing hostilities. Liberty, therefore, cannot be established by the grace and promises of a Prince, since assurances given from one person to another, can only give a claim, which I presume nobody will call possession. From hence it is evident, that liberty cannot be established upon any power lodged in the Crown: on the contrary, experience, as well as reason, shews, that liberty can never be secured without lodging a power in the people sufficient in time of need to restrain and limit the acts of the Crown. The power must be free, independent, and uncorrupt; not subject by any force or fraud to be withdrawn from the service and protection of those for whom it was formed. For this power did our ancestors fight, and for the establishment of it was the Revolution effected; not a right only to assert one liberty (for that the law of nature gives to all mankind) but a means to secure them, which the people of England are in possession of; and this power, by the Constitution, is lodged with their Delegates, by whom alone they can act. Tis plain, therefore, that tis not the possession of power, but the want of it, that has caused the present disturbances in America. Tis for a proper portion of that power that they are contending; a power that may be able to make head against any oppressive or arbitrary acts of the Crown. And surely, without meriting the name of malecontent, we may heartily wish that their efforts may be crowned with success. AN ENGLISHMAN. YORK COUNTY (PENNSYLVANIA) COMMITTEE. At a meeting of the Committee and the Officers of the Militia Companies of York County, at York, the 28th and 29th days of July, 1775: Present, forty-five County Committee-men, besides the said Officers, James Smith, Esq., in the Chair. The Committee and Officers divided the County into five Districts, or Divisions, and formed five Battalions. The Committee then, with the Officers of the Militia Companies of the respective Districts and Battalions, appointed Judges, and proceeded to vote by ballot for Field-Officers to be commissioned; when James Smith, Esq., was chosen Colonel; Thomas Hartley, Esq., Lieutenant-Colonel; and Joseph Donaldson and Michael Swoope, Esqs., were chosen Majors of the First Battalion: Robert McPherson, Esq., Colonel; David Kennedy, Lieutenant-Colonel; Moses Mc-Clean and Hugh Dunwoodie, were chosen Majors of the Second Battalion: Richard McCallister, Esq., Colonel; Henry Slegel, Esq., Lieutenant-Colonel; and John Andrews and Joseph Jefferies, were chosen Majors of the Third Battalion: William Smith, Esq., Colonel; Francis Holton, Lieutenant-Colonel; and Jacob Gibson and John Finley, were chosen Majors of the Fourth Battalion: and Matthew Dill, Esq., Colonel; William Rankin, Esquire, Lieutenant-Colonel; and Robert Stevenson and Gerhard Gress, Majors of the Fifth Battalion. The Committee, and the Officers of the said Militia Companies, thereupon proceeded to vote for Field-Officers for the Battalion of Minute-men for York County, proper to be commissioned; when Richard. McCallister, Esquire, was chosen Colonel; Thomas Hartley, Esquire, was chosen Lieutenant-Colonel; and David Grier, Esquire, was chosen Major, of said Battalion. The Committee then proceeded as follows: Resolved, That in conformity to the direction of the Assembly of this Province, and with a regard to the regulations of the Continental Congress, we do direct that five. Companies of Minute-men be formed out of the several Districts of this County, that is to say, one Company in each Division by draughts or Volunteers from the several Militia Companies, each Company to consist of a Captain, two Lieutenants, and an Ensign, four Sergeants, four Corporals, a Drummer and Fifer, and sixty-eight or more Privates; and it is expected, that if there be a defect of Arms for these men, when there is a necessity of going into service, that the respective Battalions to which they belong will furnish them with the necessary Arms. That if the County Committee-men and Assistant Committee-men, or a majority of them in any District, are at any time of opinion that an additional Company or Companies of Minute-men can be raised in their District, they may order the same to be done, which Company or Companies are to be under the same Field-Officers, orders, rules, and regulations, with the said other Companies of Minute-men. The whole Battalion of each Division or District are directed to meet some time in the next week, or in the week following, and draught the Volunteers or proper persons as Minute-men for the respective Companies, who are to sign an attestation similar to that mentioned in the proceedings of this Committee. The subscribers are then to proceed to choose the Officers of the respective Companies, and make return of their names to the Field-Officers of the said Battalion of Minute-men, in order that they may be commissioned. Resolved, That in order to prevent confusion and disorder, that no new Companies of Militia be formed in any Township, without the consent of the Committee-men of the Township, and three or more of the County Committee-men. N. B, The Companies of Yorktown, Manchester, Windsor, Codorus, York, and Hellam Townships, form the First Battalion; the: Companies of Cumberland, Hamiltons Baun, Strabane, Menallen, Mount-Joy, and Tyrone Townships form the Second Battalion; the Companies of Heidlebergh, Berwick, Paradise, Mount-Pleasant, Manheim and Germany Townships the Third Battalion; Chanceford, Shrewsbury, Fawn and Hopewell Townships the Fourth Battalion; and the Companies of Dover, Newberry, Monaughan, Warrington, Huntington, and Reading Townships the Fifth Battalion. A true copy: GEORGE LEWIS LEFLER Clerk for the Committee.
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