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GEN. SULLIVAN TO NEW-HAMPSHIRE COMMITTEE OF SAFETY.

Camp on Winter Hill, July 29, 1775.

GENTLEMEN: It gives me pain to think that I have so long delayed the gentleman you sent to me; but I must refer you to him for an excuse on that head. I shall only hint that he came on Saturday morning, when I was preparing to take possession of Ploughed Hill, near the enemy’s encampment at Charlestown. This was done on Saturday night, and on Sunday morning a heavy cannonading ensued, which lasted through the whole day. The floating batteries and an armed vessel attempting to come up and enfilade us as I expected, I opened a battery which I had prepared on purpose; cut away the sloop’s foresail; made her shear off; wounded one floating battery, and sunk another yesterday. They sent round a man-of-war to Mistick River, drew their forces from Boston, formed a long column, and prepared to come out; but finding our readiness to receive them, declined the combat. Last evening they began to throw bombs, but have as yet done no damage. Their cannon has been more successful, having killed three or four. The command of our forces was assigned to me, which I hope will apologize for my delaying Captain Hobb. I have shown him those cannon which we last mounted, and given him the best advice in my power

The powder you write for, gentlemen, it is impossible to obtain at present. We have had but six tons from the southward, which is but half a pound per man for our army, and what we had before was a shocking store. We hope for some every day, and as soon as possible after its arrival, you shall be supplied by your very humble servant,

JOHN SULLIVAN.

To the Honourable Committee of Safety.


EXTRACT OF A LETTER LAID BEFORE THE CONTINENTAL CONGRESS, DATED LONDON, JULY 31, 1775.

I have lately heard a person intimately connected with Administration lament that twenty thousand men had not been at first sent to America, one half to have remained with General Gage at Boston, five thousand to have kept possession of New-York, and cut off all assistance from the Southern Colonies, and five thousand to have been employed under Burgoyne or Howe, in making descents in different parts of New-England, and ravaging and burning the Towns. And I have good information that it is yet intended to endeavour to recover possession of New-York, Albany, &c., so as to open a communication with Canada, and prevent the New-Englanders from receiving any succour from the southward. There is a talk that more of the train of Artillery, and some Regiments of Fool, are going to New-York.


EXTRACT OF ANOTHER LETTER, LAID BEFORF THE CONGRESS, DATED LONDON, JULY 31, 1775.

It is fit I should convey to you a more particular detail of what I have collected, more especially as it is from unquestionable authority. The British Amerian Generals differ, I am informed, as to the number of men which they now think it will require to subdue the rebels of the Massachusetts. Gage says fifteen thousand more than be already has, and Burgoyne says twenty thousand more. But all the Generals, however, agree in desiring a large re-enforcement of artillery; and therefore, orders were yesterday sent to Woolwich for four companies, to embark immediately for North America, with a large train of field-pieces, &c.; and a further supply of clothing, more than I mentioned in my letter of the 15th, for the Canadians, which Government is assured by General Carleton he shall raise in the Province of Quebeck. Parliament is prorogued till September, and then will be farther prorogued to meet the beginning of November. In the mean time Lord North thinks he possesses power and credit sufficient to order more forces to America, and push matters to the greatest extremity before the winter sets in. I have been well assured, that if the Spanish Armada should not visit Gibraltar, which, from the repulse it is said they have met with, will be the case, Government propose composing that garrison of three-fourths Hanoverians, and one-fourth British Troops, in order that they may send the remainder of the latter, now there, to America. But the secret (as they imagine) plan of operation they have at present in agitation, or which, perhaps, I might properly say, actually determined on and transmitted to Boston, is as follows:

With the assistance of Governour Tryon, who is much relied on for the purpose, to get immediate possession of New-York and Albany; to fill both of these Cities with very strong garrisons; to declare all rebels who do not join the King’s Forces; to command the Hudson and East Rivers with a number of small men-of-war and cutters, stationed in different parts of it, so as wholly to cut off all communication by water between New-York the Provinces to the northward of it, and between New-York and Albany, except for the King’s service; and to prevent, also, all communication between the City of New-York and the Provinces of New-Jersey, Pennsylvania, and those to the southward of them. By this means, Administration and their friends fancy that they shall soon either starve out, or retake the garrisons of Crown Point and Ticonderoga, and open and maintain a safe intercourse and correspondence between Quebeck, Albany, and New-York, and thereby afford the fairest opportunity to their soldiery and the Canadians, in conjunction with the Indians to be procured by Guy Johnson, to make continual irruptions into New-Hampshire, Massachusetts, and Connecticut, and so distract and divide the Continental Forces as to render it easy for the British Army at Boston to defeat them; break the spirits of the Massachusetts people, depopulate their country, and compel an absolute subjection to Great Britain. Another good effect to be deduced from this extensive plan, as Government apprehend, is, that as New-York will, by this method, be prevented from supplying the Massachusetts Army near Boston with flour, &c., as they hitherto have done, through the medium of Connecticut; and the New-Jersey and Pennsylvania people will not be able to transport provisions across the country; and as the Colony of Connecticut does not raise corn sufficient for the supply of herself and the Massachusetts-Bay; the inhabitants and troops of this Province must inevitably of course be in a short time destroyed by disease and famine. And to this train of facts let me add, that in consequence of Gen. Gage’s desire, brought by Capt. Chadd, one hundred flat-bottomed boats are at present building at Deptford, &., in order to be immediately sent to America, but for what particular purpose I have not yet been able to learn. Many American gentlemen, however, have been lately asked by a Lord high in the American Department, what sized vessels can go loaded from hence to Albany? What is the depth of water at the Overslaugh? (I think that is the name of the shallowest place in the North River.) Whether the ship belonging to Albany, in the London trade, is always obliged to unload part of her cargo before she can get to Albany? and what proportion of it? Whether, if batteries were erected at the Highlands, they would not prevent vessels going up and down the North River? And where would be the best place on that river to hinder the New-Jersey people, &c., from sending flour, &c., in the winter, through Connecticut, to the Massachusetts Army?


LORD SHELBURNE TO AUTHOR LEE.

Boow-Wood Park, July 31, 1775.

DEAR SIR: I am to thank you for your obliging letters, the last received this morning. I never imagined that publick affairs would have affected me as much as they have done since the affair at Lexington. A man of common attention cannot avoid feeling every passion agitated and distracted. I am very clear, from General Gage’s letter, that the Troops have suffered a signal defeat, and that the arms of England have lost a lustre, which I see no probability of their regaining during the present contest. There is, besides, a cloud which hangs upon the General’s account, and betrays a most alarming situation of things; while the conduct of the Provincials, through all the mist, under the command, it would seem, of nobody, manifested a decisive superiority in every point of military judgment.

In my life I was never more pleased with a state paper than I have been this morning with the Assembly of Virginia’s discussion of Lord North’s proposition. It is masterly.

By the papers, as well as the run of private accounts, I see very plainly that whoever governs us is determined to

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