of England, and reserving all the rights of Englishmen, especially exemption from taxes, unless they should tax themselves. This contract was solemnly ratified in the face of the world, by charters. England breaks the contract, claims a right of taxation, and sends an army to enforce it. If a contract, say they, must bind both parties, or else neither party, and she breaks loose, now are we bound?

If she refuses our dependance by contract, and claims it by power, she pursues a measure towards us, upon a resistance to which her own Constitution is founded. If her ancestors were right in refusing slavery, are not we also right?

If dependance on the will of others, for the enjoyment of possessions, constitutes political slavery, doth not the right claimed by the people of England, of granting at their wills to the Crown the property of Americans, constitute political slavery in America? The rights derived from our fathers we hold in trust for our children, to whom we owe protection from injuries during their infancy. Political slavery is the greatest of injuries; are we not therefore most indispensably bound to guard our infant children from it? we have, say they, answered the end of their original emigration. We have aggrandized the British Empire. All the spare produce of our lands, all the sweat of our brows goes to Britain, in obedience to her regulations of trade. We take in return manufactures, charged with the British taxes, and after paying all the produce of our lands, being still in debt for these taxed manufactures, it is plain that all the produce of our lands pays the British taxes. Where is the difference whether we be personally present in Britain, paying taxes, or be here, enabling men in Britain to pay them in our stead? Our taxation by commerce is constitutional, being consented to by us; a right of internal taxation, without our consent, is arbitrary. In proportion as arbitrary taxes are levied on us, (since we are in debt more than all the precious metals among us can pay,) we shall be disabled from consuming British manufactures, consequently our constitutional taxation will be less, as our arbitrary taxation becomes more. But our constitutional taxation, coming through the medium of the manufacturers, needs no addition of tax-gatherers. An arbitrary taxation of America would provide places for infinite swarms of ministerial tools. Hence we suppose a tyrant Minister and his dependants have dared to call the riot of a few, in consequence of arbitrary taxation, the rebellion of all; attempting to cover, under specious names, their iniquitous confounding of innocent and guilty, untried, unheard, in one ruin their breach of national faith in overthrowing charters, and their hostile invasions to force arbitrary taxes upon us. We have granted our property in aid of the Empire in time of war. We even granted beyond our ability, and Parliament, sensible of this, refunded.

The Constitution of the Empire would cease if one legislative might grant aids out of the property of another. The idea of property would cease if one had a right to bestow what belongs to another. The regulation of trade is a power capable to govern the motions of the whole system; if that be lodged in the Parent State it is enough.

These are some of the reasonings prevailing in America; and although they come weak from my pen, yet they will be amusing to you, more especially as it is impossible but that all the attention of Britain must be drawn towards a measure big with the fate of the Empire.

Farewell, and believe me to be, &c.,

RICHARD HENDERSON.

To Mr. Cunningham Corbett, Merchant in Glasgow.

Mr. GREEN: In justice to Mr. Henderson I must beg leave, through the channel of your press, to inform the publick that the above letter, dated July, 1774, was shown me last fall at his house as he above asserts. And I must further say, that I have frequently conversed with him on our present disputes, and he has always expressed principles the most friendly to the freedom of America.

I am, Sir, your most obedient servant,

CHARLES WALLACE.

Monday, August 7, 1775.

The Committee met according to adjournment, and proceeded to choose a Chairman, who made choice of Mr. Thomas Gantt, Chairman, Thomas Williams, Clerk.

The Committee resumed the consideration of the business before them on Tuesday the first instant. The following Letter was produced and read from Mr. Munro to the Committee:

Bladensburgh, August 7, 1775.

GENTLEMEN: You would no doubt, after reading the letter I wrote you last Tuesday, be surprised at my sudden departure, when you had a right to expect my appearance before you when called for. I do solemnly declare, when I wrote that letter to you in the morning, that I had no intention to leave the place before I had appeared before you, and submitted to whatever might have been your determination with respect to me. If had intended going away, I should most certainly have done it in the night time; but in place of that I think it was after twelve o’clock on Tuesday when I left the Town. My only reason for taking this step was, for fear of the violence some of the people threatened, and were preparing to inflict on my person at all events, whatever might be your determination. I confess to you, gentlemen, that my fear was so great as to give me no time to reflect on the danger in which my flight might involve Mr. Henderson, who had passed his word for my appearance before you, and who was ignorant of my going away. My only thought at that time was to get out of the way of the people’s fury until they should have time to think more coolly on the matter; but I never had any intention of leaving the country without appearing before you. As a proof of this, while I was down the river, and before I heard any persons were sent after me, two ships sailed for Glasgow, in either of which I could have gone. I think I can say with truth, that any person, if ever there was a person who felt as I did, on finding I was to be deprived of my only hope, (I mean the humanity and deliberation of your proceedings on my inconsiderate conduct,) and was to fall a victim to the rage of a few men, who I thought had not considered the nature of my case, nor the temperate and prudent rules of the Congress and Convention; I say, that any such person would excuse my going out of the way at that time. I am now, gentlemen, waiting to appear before you, and to submit to your determination, whatever it may be, and most earnestly implore your protection and interposition with this people, should they still be exasperated against me. Allow me to go safe home in obedience to my father, for I never intended, nor ever will injure America.

With great respect, I am, gentlemen, your most humble servant,

GEORGE MUNRO.

To the Gentlemen of the Committee of Bladensburgh.

The Committee required the appearance of Mr. Munro, who appeared accordingly, and was asked the following Questions:

Question 1st. What Mr. Munro meant by the expression, We have at last been obliged to muster.

Answer. I had no particular person in my eye, and had no meaning in it, further than that I supposed others in the same circumstances with myself might entertain the same sentiments.

Question 2d. Mr. Munro was then asked whether he had any conversation with any person on the above subject.

Answer. That he had not.

Question 3d. Mr. Munro being asked what he would have expressed further when he said, I need not go any further, as it is not advisable to trust one’s sentiments on paper.

Answer. He had no meaning at all in it.

Voted unanimously, That the said George Munro is inimical to American liberty.

Signed by order:

THOMAS WILLIAMS, Clerk.

WHITE CLAY CREEK (DELAWARE) COMMITTEE.

At a meeting of the Committee of White Clay Creek Hundred, in New-Castle County, at Mr. Henry Darby’s, in New-Ark, August 7, 1775, William Patterson, Esq., being in the chair, when the Rev. Morgan Edwards attended, and signed the following recantation, which was voted satisfactory, viz:

“Whereas, I have some time since frequently made use of rash and imprudent expressions with respect to the conduct of my fellow-countrymen, who are now engaged in a noble and patriotick struggle for the liberties of America,