LONDON ASSOCIATION.

Globe-Tavern, Fleet Street, August 25, 1775.

Resolved, That this Association, duly sensible of the many blessings we enjoy from the Revolution and Accession, to which, under God, we owe the free Constitution of our Country, will use our best and most unwearied endeavours to extend and transmit to posterity their excellent principle and consequences; and that we will embrace every opportunity to evince our zeal, affection, and fidelity to his present Majesty, King George the Third, and his Royal family, for whose honour and safety, whilst we manifest the highest regard, we hold the truest concern for the freedom, peace, and welfare of the whole British Empire; convinced that under a Prince of the House of Brunswick we only can be free, and at the same time resoultely determined that under a Prince of the House of Brunswick we will be free.

Resolved, It is the opinion of this Association that Proclamations have never been considered as laws of the land; and though frequently issued under the arbitrary reigns of the Stuarts, to serve the abominable designs of despotism, unless directed by and enforcing the law, were opposed and resisted by our forefathers, as violent infringements on the liberties of the People of England.

Resolved, That the present high price of the necessaries of life, the decay of trade, and consequent distresses of the industrious poor, those most useful members of the state demand our best consideration, that peace may no longer be the parent of poverty and misery, instead of the source of riches and happiness.

Resolved, That as it is declared by the Bill of Rights, Art. V, that is the right of the subject to petition, we will use our best endeavours to bring to the justice of their Country those men who have prevented the cries of the nation from being heard by His Majesty, and consequently their miseries and complaints from being redressed.

Resolved, That if any descendants of those illustrious noblemen, who by their undaunted and zealous endeavours brought about the glorious Revolution, and effected the Accession, shall determine to join this Association, for the great purposes of constitutional freedom and national happiness, we will pay due regard to their rank and birth, though we shall always keep their zeal for the publick cause, and their uniform support of the principles and proceedings of their gallant and patriotick ancestors, foremost in our view, our gratitude, and respect.

Signed and published by order:

THOMAS JOEL, Secretary.

NORFOLK (VIRGINIA) COMMITTEE.

In Committee, Norfolk, Virginia, August 25, 1775.

Resolved, That Walter Chambre, of Whitehaven, is an enemy to American liberty, and is guilty of an attempt to break the Association, by shipping Goods for this place, in direct opposition to the Non-Importation Agreement.

Ordered, That this censure be published to the world, that all persons may withhold any further commercial connection with the said Chambre.

By order of the Committee:

WILLIAM DAVIES, Secretary.

THOMAS JEFFERSON TO JOHN RANDOLPH.

Monticello, August 25, 1775.

DEAR SIR: I am sorry the situation of our Country should render it not eligible to you to remain longer in it. I hope the returning wisdom of Great Britain will ere long put an end to this unnatural contest. There may be people to whose tempers and dispositions contention is pleasing, and who therefore wish a continuance of confusion, but to me it is of all states but one the most horrid. My first wish is a restoration of our just rights; my second, a return of the happy period when, consistently with duty, I may withdraw myself totally from the publick stage, and pass the rest of my days in domestick ease and tranquillity, banishing every desire of ever hearing what passes in the world. Perhaps, (for the latter adds considerably to the warmth of the former wish,) looking with fondness towards a reconciliation with Great Britain, I cannot help hoping you may be able to contribute towards expediting this good work. I think it must be evident to yourself, that the Ministry have been deceived by their officers on this side of the water, who (for what purpose I cannot tell) have constantly represented the American opposition as that of a small faction, in which the body of the People took little part. This, you can inform them of your own knowledge, is untrue. They have taken it into their heads, too, that we are cowards, and shall surrender at discretion to an armed force. The past and future operations of the war must confirm or undeceive them on that head. I wish they were thoroughly and minutely acquainted with every circumstance relative to America, as it exists in truth. I am persuaded this would go far towards disposing them to reconciliation. Even those in Parliament who are called friends to America seem to know nothing of our real determinations. I observe they pronounced in the last Parliament, that the Congress of 1774 did not mean to insist rigorously on the terms they held out, but kept something in reserve, to give up; and, in fact, that they would give up every thing but the article of taxation. Now, the truth is far from this, as I can affirm, and put my honour to the assertion. Their continuance in this errour may perhaps produce very ill consequences. The Congress stated the lowest terms they thought possible to be accepted, in order to convince the world they were not unreasonable. They gave up the monopoly and regulation of trade, and all acts of Parliament prior to 1764, leaving British generosity to render these, at some future time, as easy to America as the interest of Britain would admit. But this was before blood was spilt. I cannot affirm, but have reason to think, these terms would not now be accepted. I wish no false sense of honour, no ignorance of our real intentions, no vain hope that partial concessions of right will be accepted, may induce the Ministry to trifle with accommodation, till it shall be out of their power ever to accommodate. If, indeed, Great Britain, disjoined from her Colonies, be a match for the most potent nations of Europe, with the Colonies thrown into their scale they may go on securely. But if they are not assured of this, it would be certainly unwise, by trying the event of another campaign, to risk our accepting a foreign aid, which, perhaps, may not be obtainable but on condition of everlasting avulsion from Great Britain. This would be thought a hard condition to those who still wish for reunion with their parent Country. I am sincerely one of those, and would rather be in dependance on Great Britain, properly limited, than on any nation upon earth, or than on nation. But I am one of those, too, who, rather than submit to the rights of legislating for us assumed by the British Parliament, and which late experience has shown they will so cruelly exercise, would lend my hand to sink the whole island in the ocean.

If undeceiving the Minister as to matters of fact may change his disposition, it will perhaps be in your power, by assisting to do this, to render service to the whole Empire, at the most critical time, certainly, that it has ever seen. Whether Britain shall continue the head of the greatest empire on earth, or shall return to her original station in the political scale of Europe, depends, perhaps, on the resolutions of the succeeding winter. God send they may be wise and salutary for us all. I shall be glad to hear from you as often as you may be disposed to think of things here. You may be at liberty, I expect, to communicate some things, consistently with your honour, and the duties you will owe to a protecting nation. Such a communication among individuals may be mutually beneficial to the contending parties. On this or any future occasion, if I affirm to you any facts, your knowledge of me will enable you to decide on their credibility; if I hazard opinions on the dispositions of men, or other speculative points, you can only know they are my opinions.

My best wishes for your felicity attend you, wherever you go; and believe me to be, assuredly, your friend and servant,

THOMAS JEFFERSON.

NEW-YORK CONGRESS TO GOVERNOUR TRUMBULL.

In Provincial Congress, New-York, August 25, 1775.

SIR: We have been honoured with your favour of the 21st instant, and are very sorry to learn the apprehensions you express that the progress of the Army may be impeded,