He was often called upon to name his author, and as often refused it, till the day of general inquiry, when he laid it upon a person four miles off, who has since declared he never told him so, nor ever heard of it before. This is only mentioned to take off any bad impressions that might be made to the prejudice of the gentleman who conducted this matter, whose character is so well known here, especially for humanity, that it never affected it in this place. But as this matter was not of so publick a nature, it was thought most advisable the persons who had suffered should do themselves justice; an apprehension that they would, it is supposed, has caused the Doctor’s flight, without the least regret of any of the inhabitants except the tory gentry.

DOCTOR WILLARD’S CONFESSION.

Whereas I, the subscriber, have, from the perverseness of my wicked heart, maliciously and scandalously abused the characters and proceedings of the Continental and Provincial Congresses, the Selectmen of this Town, and the Committees of Correspondence in general:

I do hereby declare that, at the time of my doing it, I knew the said abuses to be the most scandalous falsehoods, and that I did it for the sole purpose of abusing those bodies of men, and affronting my townsmen, and all the friends of liberty throughout the Continent. Being now fully sensible of my wickedness and notorious falsehoods, humbly beg pardon of those worthy characters I have so scandalously abused, and of my countrymen in general, and desire this confession of mine may be printed in the American Oracle of Liberty, for three weeks successively.

Worcester, August 21, 1775.

MEETING OF FREEHOLDERS OF ANNE ARUNDEL COUNTY, MARYLAND.

Annapolis, August 31, 1775.

Notice is hereby given to the Freeholders and other Freemen of Anne-Arundel County, having a visible estate of forty Pounds sterling, or qualified by law to vote for Burgesses, to meet at the City of Annapolis on Tuesday, the 12th of September next, to elect a Committee of Observation for the said County for the term of one year, to consist of thirty-four of the most discreet and sensible of the said Freemen; also to elect, by ballot, five persons to represent them in Convention for the said term of one year.

MEETING OF FREEHOLDERS OF YORK COUNTY, PENNSYLVANIA.

York, Pennsylvania, August 31, 1775.

The Freeholders and other inhabitants of York County, entitled to vote for Representatives in Assembly, are hereby required to meet at the Court-House in York Town, on Tuesday, the seventeenth day of October next, to vote, by ballot or ticket, for sixty-one persons as a Committee for York County, to continue for the space of one year then next following, if from the change of publick affairs they may not think it expedient to dissolve themselves sooner. And as, from the dangers and necessities of the times, powers of the greatest magnitude may be exercised by those persons or their Delegates, it is expected that the meeting of the Freemen will be general, and that they will be judicious in the choice of the persons to represent them. Each Township is desired to choose an Inspector, to attend at the time and place aforesaid, who will be qualified agreeable to the rules of the election. Judges will be chosen, and the election conducted agreeable to the rules prescribed for the election of the present Committee.

By order of the Committee:

JAMES SMITH, Chairman.

MODERATE POLITICAL HINTS.

New-York, August 31, 1775.

Requisition from Government is the old Constitution, and will naturally come in course whenever we are at war with any foreign Power; ’tis then that extra troops and extra sums of money are much wanting from every part of the King’s jurisdiction, and we in America not only cheerfully grant to the utmost extent of our abilities, but have a right to examine into accounts, and frequently expect and receive a reimbursement of a large part of our expenses; but the revenue in contest is a distinct affair; it is a small annual sum voluntarily given in cash or country produce, to be fixed either to the King’s civil list, or applied toward payment of interest money due on the national debt, as an acknowledgment for Government securing to us liberty, property, and freedom of trade. These ought (in truth and justice) to be the solemn obligations and agreement on both sides, prudently waiving the contest, whether the national debt was occasioned by fighting solely for America, as it was undoubtedly expended for the general good; for had any one of the British Empire fallen during the war, in either Europe or America, other parts must have fell of course.

A proposition from us of a voluntary revenue, guarded under good mercantile conditions, if received or rejected, I should apprehend would steadily fix our friends, and make our enemies tremble in every quarter; it would entirely eradicate and remove the simple notion of independence.

The civil list revenue (and there is one only) is a yearly sum of eight hundred thousand Pounds, established by Parliament to the King for life, for the support of His Majesty’s household, and of the honour and dignity of the Crown: it is charged upon and made payable out of the aggregate fund, and commenced from the demise of his late Majesty.

The Parliament grants for seven years, from 1757 to 1763, inclusive, amounted to above ninety-eight millions, and which occasioned the rapid growth of the national debt; if needful, on a future day, shall give specimens of their resolutions and provisions.

The Parliament provisions are generally by the land tax, malt tax, navy bills, debentures per loans and exchequer bills, and by the surplus of the sinking fund, including the customs and duties upon all kinds of liquors, home-made and foreign; also on tobacco, &c., &c., all paid by the holder and consumer in Britain. The manufactories, or their goods for exportation, are exempted from duties of excise, to enable them to send to market, and to sell better goods and cheaper than any other nation on the globe.

The superiour fineness, firmness, and weight of English broadcloths, &c., on that account, always did and ever will command the preference in market at every port in the four quarters of the world. The Asiaticks wisely proved the goodness of broadcloths by their fineness and weight in the scales, and gave the preference to those of Britain.

We are excellent customers to the British merchant for dry-goods—not immediately material contributors thereby to Government. Government is in debt, the common people poor; but the nobility, officers, landed gentlemen, merchants, and manufacturers, are immensely rich. Success in merchandising and wars hath brought nearly all the circulating specie from the East-Indies and from the West, from the North and from the South, to Great Britain. At this present time, there are more solid riches held by those individuals in Britain, than are held in any two nations in Europe, with its concomitant luxury; and which occasioneth their frequent scarcity of grain. England hath such a variety of soil, as they scarcely ever were in want of provisions in ancient times; for if crops failed in one part of the kingdom, they succeeded in another; but thousands and thousands of acres are now turned (and fenced) into parks, so that growing grain in abundance as formerly, for the industrious poor, they now grow venison for the luxury of the rich.

The manufactures of Great Britain and Ireland, and the product of American lands, in a very few years, if managed on each side with temper and wisdom, will naturally produce astonishing advantages and benefits to the whole Empire.

In the time of the stamp act, by a fortunate regulation of imports and exports, and by a straight line of smooth and manly deportment, we prevented even our most inveterate enemies in Britain from playing off their false but hurtful artillery of words of independence and rebellion, (self-defence comprehends neither,) a similar proceeding, as