the packet, as I will have them brought on board the transport in the night from the packet. Do send me an answer by the bearer, whether you will or not: Perhaps you don’t know which is the packet. She lies the other side of us, nearer the North River. She is a brig that lies off. You can’t miss her. Your humble servant.

Mr. Cornell.

P. S. You had better see your—W—h—d, I mean Daniel, and desire him to get them all ready to-day, that you may bring them to-morrow. If you think this wont do, you may sail close by us with those things on board, and we will bring you to, as we have done many already, and then you may tell them you could not help yourself. Let me know which you will do, and when you will do it, that I may take steps accordingly.

GOVERNOUR TRUMBULL TO GENERAL WASHINGTON.

Lebanon, September 5, 1775.

SIR: Your Excellency’s favour of the 2d instant was delivered to me last night; this afternoon received General Schuyler’s of the 31st August. He has ordered the lead to Albany, with directions to forward it by the most direct route to your camp.

We are infested by Ministerial ships and transports. I gave your Commissary-General a narrative yesterday; beg leave to refer to him, from the haste of this express. Our coasts are kept in continual alarm. Three ships of war, with thirteen other vessels of divers sorts, were seen off Fisher’s Island, and in the Sound, yesterday. They have gained no provisions from the main; have heard nothing from Montauk, or any part of Long-Island. New-London is in great fears, and Stonington expects another attack. I have ordered the new levies to guard and defend those two places, and the coasts as far as Connecticut river; there are likewise four Companies of them beyond the river, for defence in those parts; this appears absolutely necessary for their security at present. Hope this use of them, till these dangers are over, will neither injure nor hinder any of your operations. Whether these are the same ships your Excellency noticed us of remains uncertain. Yesterday ordered the best intelligence to be gained, to render that matter more certain.

Lord’s day morning, constrained by the weather, came into the harbour at New-London, a schooner taken by the Rose, Captain Wallace, at Stonington; four hands on board; one, a white man, sent to Windham jail; the other three negroes, two belonging to Governour Cooke, and one to Newport, ordered to be returned to their masters, and the schooner to her owner.

General Schuyler’s army is moved forward. A few days will determine the event.

I have ordered our Commissaries in the several Counties to send to your camp all the hunting shirts they can procure.

I am, with great esteem and regard, Sir, your very obedient and humble servant,

JONATHAN TRUMBULL.

His Excellency General Washington.

TO THE INHABITANTS OF MASSACHUSETTS.

Sudbury, September 5, 1775.

The question upon which the grand contest between Great Britain and America turns, is, whether the Parliament of Great Britain has a right to legislate for the American Colonies. The British Ministry and their adherents have taken the affirmative side of the question, and the Colonists the negative. The former have asserted without the shadow of proof, while the latter have offered incontestable arguments to support their position. By the British Constitution of civil Government, (and indeed it is the basis of liberty,) no subject can be bound by any law to which he has not given his consent, in person or by his representative. Americans have no voice in the laws made by the British Parliament, and therefore are not bound by them. The British Ministry, finding that the Americans could not, by their and their tools’ sophistry, be persuaded to believe that wrong is right, have sent an army and navy to force conviction, which are the powerful arguments used by tyrants. Much blood has been shed, and more will be, unless the British Parliament give up their claim to legislate for America, excepting in matters that relate to the regulation of trade, which, from the necessity of the thing, not derived from the Constitution, is allowed. Happy for America, that it does not admit of a doubt that the British Troops were the aggressors, in firing upon and destroying several of its worthy inhabitants, without any provocation, unless their being in the road at the time such majesterial fellows were marching can be viewed as such. Happy for America, that three or four hundred of her sons, who lived near to the scene of blood, were inspired with such courage as to prompt them to oppose eighteen hundred butchers, and to compel them to retreat to the place from whence they came. Happy for America, that such an union prevails among the Colonies, as is the admiration of the world, and must be of future generations. Under the influence of this union, we at this day see a large army, composed of the worthy yeomanry of this Country, commanded by men whose characters are established, and bid defiance to the attacks of those who partake of a diabolical spirit, commonly called tories. In every enterprise, success has attended the American arms. Perhaps it may be thought that the author does not recollect the battle at Bunker’s Hill. It is fresh in his mind, and he thinks it must be allowed, that although the troops of Britain obtained the ground, yet it was at so dear a rate as to justify a declaration of victory upon the side of the Americans. As the cause is righteous, as the war is strictly defensive, and therefore justifiable, the divine blessing may be expected to attend the future efforts of the Army of the United Colonies, as it has done the past. Much depends, under the blessing of Heaven, upon the continuance of this union; and as every measure is carrying into execution by the British Ministry to interrupt and destroy it, it is the indispensable duty of every friend of mankind to make it his chief business to establish it. It has been said, and with good authority to support it, that British goods may be expected to be clandestinely carried (if possible) among the people, in order to break the Non-Importation Agreement; which, if closely adhered to, will produce great distress and trouble in Britain, such as may cost the lives of the British Ministry. Let it be the desire and endeavour of every American to comply with and see that others punctually observe the Resolutions of the Continental Congress: and I doubt not we shall have the happiness, ere long, of viewing the rights and privileges of America established upon a more sure basis than ever yet they have been, upon such an one as will remain to the end of time.

PHILO PATRIA.

BY THE KING—A PROCLAMATION.

GEORGE, R.

Whereas our Parliament stands prorogued to Thursday, the fourteenth day of this instant, September: We, with the advice of our Privy Council, do hereby publish and declare that the said Parliament shall be further prorogued, on the said fourteenth day of this instant, September, to Thursday, the twenty-sixth day of October next, and we have given order to our Chancellor of Great Britain to prepare a commission for proroguing the same accordingly. And we do hereby further declare our royal will and pleasure, that the said Parliament shall, on the said twenty-sixth day of October next, be held for the despatch of divers weighty and important affairs, and the Lords spiritual and temporal, and the Knights, Citizens, and Burgesses, and the Commissioners for Shires and Burghs, of the House of Commons, are hereby required to give attendance accordingly, at West-minster, on the said twenty-sixth day of October next.

Given at our Court at St. James’s, the sixth day of September, one thousand seven hundred and seventy-five, in the fifteenth year of our reign.

GOD save the King.

TO THE PRINTER OF THE LONDON EVENING POST.

Manchester, September 8, 1775.

SIR: as a native of, and a well-wisher to Manchester, I feel some concern that the Town should be represented as inimical to the Americans, by means of an Address this day sent up to the King. Be assured, Sir, that this Address does not give the true sense of the Town in general, and that it may properly enough be said to have been smuggled