ardently for a reconciliation with Great Britain. But such is the false policy of this unhappy reign, no distinction seems to be made between the duty of subjects and the condition of slaves. America is ready and willing to submit to the absolute authority of Parliament to regulate and control her trade in whatever mode, channel, or restriction, Parliament shall think proper, if the idea of taxation is totally done away, and all the acts since 1763 are repealed. But if a revenue is insisted upon, fix a sum in proportion to what is raised here, and she will pay it, provided she may have an open trade, because she can buy the articles she has hitherto bought of us cheaper elsewhere, which will enable her to pay the required sum. In a word, she will give us either trade or revenue, but not both. She asks only to be put upon the same footing with ourselves. But it must not be. The resolution at St. James’s is against her. Though the Court is not a little embarrassed by the failure of the Russian negotiation, application was made for twenty thousand Russians, to be sent to America in the spring. It has met with a negative at Petersburgh. The idea of the Bedford party is to prosecute a littoral war in America next summer. The Fleet and Army must be supplied with provisions from England. Reflect for a moment on the extreme folly of making Smithfield the shambles of America. The Lord Mayor might prevent this. Every pound of mutton sent to America costs Government two shillings at least. How long can the landed interest support this expense? Every tax has been continued (except a small temporary diminution of the land tax) that supported the late glorious war. It was an increase of trade that enabled us to bear this continuation of taxes. But the Elector of Hanover may possibly get money by this American war. If five Regiments of his Troops are taken into British pay, their former pay out of the reve nues of Hanover is saved of course, and goes clear into his pocket. He got a hundred thousand Pounds last year by the job of Somerset House. Parliament meets to grant money; the Ministers cannot go on without it; they have expended every shilling of last year’s supplies. Therefore it was called so early that there might be no stop to carrying on the American war. Astonishing infatuation !

COLONEL HENRY LAURENS, PRESIDENT OF THE COUNCIL OF SAFETY, TO WILLIAM HENRY DRAYTON.

Chirlestown, September 27, 1775.

SIR: On Sunday last we received your letter of the 17th, together with the sundry papers which you refer to; and if Captain Wilson is detained one day more, we will send by him the Declaration and Treaty, to be printed in London; but shall defer a publication here, until we have an opportunity of considering the propriety of such a measure in your presence; which, we suppose, will happen in the course of a few days.

The intelligence from the Cherokees, received in Mr. Wilkinson’s letter, is very alarming. We hope you have sent away the Good Warriour and his fellow–travellers in good humour; and that they will influence their countrymen to remain quiet, and give us time to discover the perpetrators of the murder intimated by Mr. Wilkinson. In the mean time, we trust that you have taken proper measures for that purpose.

Le Despencer packet arrived here from Falmouth, with advices from London, to the 3d of August. Accounts in brief are, that Administration were sending more troops and ships to America, determined to persevere in the execution of their plan. General Gage, in his account of the Bunker Hill affair, on the 17th June, transmitted to Lord Dartmouth, owns about one thousand and fifty–six of the King’s Troops killed and wounded; and his number of officers rather exceeds our early advices. We have heard nothing since the first of August from our Delegates.

By order of the Council of Safety:

HENRY LAURENS, President.

The Hon. William Henry Drayton, Esq., at the Camp, Ninety-Six.

EXTRACT OF A LETTER FROM MARYLAND.

Our Association is very generally signed, and still acts as a powerful emetick to our Tories. They always expressed a firm resolution never to submit to taxation by the Parliament of Great Britain. The spirit, the essence of our Association is to oppose the force employed by the Ministry to tax Americans, and to compel a submission to the power of Parliament to alter the essentials of our Provincial Constitutions. If the first be admitted, we have no property; if the latter be submitted to, we have no liberty. Our Tories, with liberty in their mouths and a profession of regard to their Country, and a denial of any right in Parliament to tax America, constantly opposed every measure adopted by this Province to obtain a redress of our grievances. No mode could meet with their approbation and concurrence. They found fault with every scheme proposed, but never offered a substitute. Our commercial opposition should have been confined only to a partial non-importation. Indeed, the head of them, The Author of the Considerations, was only for a petition to the King; every thing beyond that was, in his opinion, folly and madness. To withhold and delay payment of our debts to British merchants only till redress of grievances, was deemed by them dishonest and villanous. Such was the language of a celebrated protest drawn by Lloyd Dulany, and approved by The Author of the Considerations. The resolutions of our Convention last December, to arm and to prepare to defend our liberties, were likewise opposed; they were styled rash and violent; the advisers of those prudent and salutary measures were called weak, wicked, and designing men. The Author of the Considerations, and his brother Lloyd, the head of our protestors, refused to contribute any thing towards the purchase of arms and ammunition. Our Association has driven almost the whole family of the Dulanys from our Province. Lloyd took his flight in the Annapolis, the first of the month. The son of the Secretary deserted a few weeks before. The father, under pretence of a journey for health, is gone to the northward; and, it is probable, will not return to his native Province, where he is universally (except by Scotch factors and some of the officers of Government) despised and detested. You know he was the adviser and defender of a Proclamation issued by Government to regulate and establish the fees of office—the very fees which the Delegates of the people refused to continue. Though he wrote ably against the right of Parliament to tax this Country, and then it was his interest to prevent the exercise of a power which would certainly diminish, if not destroy, the emoluments of his office of Secretary, yet he obstinately persevered, against his better judgment, to justify a right in Government to establish the fees of officers. His duplicity of conduct, as to our clergy, will long be remembered. His nephew, Daniel Dulany, son of Walter, has also taken his flight. He affected a freedom of language, and even enrolled in our Militia; but appearances would no longer avail; he could not swallow our test. The few Scotchmen among us, who have acted with spirit and joined us, are in great esteem. Many are gone to Great Britain; the rest will probably take their residence in Virginia, since their exemption there from bearing arms. We will not censure, but we cannot imitate their conduct. Our common toast is, a free exportation to Scotchmen and Tories. Would it not be best to have one general test for all America? I make no doubt you have several enemies among you; pray find some mode to ferret them out, as we have done. We will not harbour your Tories. We wish ours may not be received amongst you.

ADDRESS OF THE MANAGERS OF THE UNITED COMPANY OF PHILADELPHIA FOR PROMOTING AMERICAN MANUFACTURES.

To the Inhabitants of this Province:

The great reason that there was to apprehend that, through the infatuation and obstinacy of the British Parliament, the Non-Importation and Non-Exportation Agreement of these Colonies would continue for a considerable time, and the great distress that might consequently ensue, unless some means were devised to give employment to the necessitous, together with the advantage that would arise to the publick if manufactories could be established amongst us, were considerations which induced us to make the experiment; and although at first we met with difficulties, owing chiefly to our inexperience, we have now the pleasure to inform you, that we are thoroughly convinced of the