in their estimation, to all the future prospects of glorious freedom, sheltered from the depredations of usurping power by the undaunted efforts of a brave people.

These Lilliputians in virtue and humanity represent the honours of a civil war in the most aggravated colours. They are continually pondering the most dismal scenes of bloodshed, desolation, famine, and distress in every shape; filled with panick terrours themselves, they strive to communicate the infection to all around them; willing that their Country should be deserted by all, and left to groan under the indignities and complicated miseries of slavery. In general, this dastardly conduct serves only to increase the evils it is intended to mitigate or prevent. It seldom produces more than a partial defection: this war is still prosecuted by the greater part; if success attends them, notwithstanding the disunion, it is purchased with more difficulty and loss than had there been a perfect combination of strength and forces; consequently the common sufferings are heightened by the cowardice and disaffection of a part: if they are overpowered, by reason of the desertion of those who ought to have been friends, to the baseness of these must be attributed the more disastrous consequences of an unsuccessful struggle, in any case, the timidity and meanness of these men, falsely termed moderation and prudence, answer no other ends than to strengthen the hands of the common enemy, and to weaken and enervate those of friends and fellow-sufferers, the worst effects of civil rage and animosity still ensue, and the temporizing dastards, no more than the bold and enterprising, escape a share in the general calamity.

It is, however, folly to reason with such men, or to expect to move them by the suggestions of honour, or by the views of an extensive and generous plan of policy. Their narrow minds will still listen to the present passion or prejudice, in spite of all that can be said. But to those whose bosoms are susceptible of love to their Country, who are not insensible to the value of freedom, and to the debasing, destructive influence of slavery, the following summary reflections must appear to merit the most attentive consideration.

The contest between Britain and the Colonies has now every appearance of being arrived to the last extremity: a decision by the sword seems the only one to be expected, as every day, still more than the preceding, dissipates all prospect of an amicable accommodation: applications from every quarter have hitherto been unavailing, and the instruments of tyranny are putting in practice, with increasing ferocity, all the abominable arts of plunder, devastation, and slaughter. We must either patiently submit to the exorbitant authority of a rapacious Parliament, or we must prepare to make a courageous stand in defence of our rights, in defiance of all the rigours and disasters of war. If the former be our choice, we must be contented to live the most miserable people under the sun, to endure all the oppressions that avarice and ambition, inflamed by opposition, jealousy, and resentment, can contrive or inflict; and to crouch beneath the unceasing insults and contempt of our triumphant masters, as well as the ridicule and disdain of all mankind: if we prefer the latter, we must be satisfied to suffer many poignant, though temporary ills, animated with the certain hope of brighter days to come, and of substantial felicity to our Country, through the successive periods of future generations.

Whoever is acquainted with the history of mankind must know that it has ever been the policy of ruling States to enrich themselves by the plunder and spoils of their dependant Colonies and Provinces. This iniquitous principle has proceeded chiefly from a twofold cause: from the natural desire most men have of profiting themselves at the expense of those in their power and disposal, and from a supposed necessity of depressing the spirits and destroying the power of Colonies, lest, if they should find themselves in the possession of opulence and strength, actuated by that pride which is apt to flow from them, they might be tempted to revolt and throw off their dependance. These dispositions prevail in proportion to the natural advantages and growing prosperity of the subordinate members. And notwithstanding experience has shown that these contracted notions of policy are, in the end, detrimental to all parties, they still continue fashionable among mankind. The Spanish settlements in South-America afford a notable instance of the destructive maxims of governing States respecting their dependencies. There, humanity appears in such a wretched and degraded condition, that it is impossible to behold it without compassion, horrour, and indignation. But not to roam abroad for instances of this melancholy nature, we may see in Ireland the plainest indications of a similar spirit, influencing the politicks of Britain; and, to come nearer home, the present gloomy situation of America has been occasioned by a commencement of this same scheme of oppression.

We have wisely begun a strenuous opposition to it in its infancy, and have discovered a temper totally repugnant to the lofty and unreasonable pretensions of the Mother Country; but should we now abandon a work so nobly undertaken, we must look for even greater severity and rapacity than we might otherwise have experienced. Better had it been for us that we had never contended at all, than vainly to have shown our disapprobation, and afterwards, by relinquishing the conflict, to betray our own impotence and cowardice. Britain would justly impute our submission to our fears, and, knowing our affection to be irrecoverably lost, would be sensible that the only way to secure our future attachment, and maintain her unlimited dominion over us, must be by force and compulsion. With much propriety, she would conclude that, without these, the same spirit of liberty which inspires us would naturally be transmitted to our descendants, who, finding their numbers and their wealth augmented, would scorn any longer to wear the fetters of servitude, and would procure for themselves that freedom which their ancestors had not virtue and courage enough to preserve and convey to them. Justified by such plausible inducements, our enemies would take every method to extirpate all sense of liberty from among us. The manifold contrivances of despotism would be remorselessly employed to debase our minds and render us abject and spiritless.

No man of sense can doubt that a military Government would, in such case, be established over all the Colonies. Our rebellious conduct, as it is called, would seem to demand it, and Britain would never think her authority safe without it. A Standing Army—that inveterate and dangerous disease under which Europe has so long groaned— would take deeper root in America than it has ever had there. To maintain this, together with a long list of needy courtiers, all the fruits of our labour and industry must go. If we are dissatisfied, the bayonet will be ready to silence our presumptuous murmurings. We must pine in uncom-plaining indigence and misery, while our lordly masters would dissipate extorted millions in the gratification of every wanton and voluptuous appetite. These things have been frequently insisted upon but they cannot be too often repeated. They are not the jargon of seditious declamation, intended to allure the giddy populace, but they are solemn truths, founded on reason and experience, and ought to engage the serious attention of the most sober and dispassionate. With all the earnestness of self-conviction, I affirm, that America will be one of the most unhappy countries in the world, if it should once submit to the yoke Britain is preparing for it.

On the other hand, if we are duly sensible of the blessings we enjoy, and persevere steadfastly in the defence of our native and hereditary rights, we may justly cherish a firm persuasion that our laudable exertions will be finally crowned with success; that Britain, though she may sorely distress us a while, will at length be wearied with an enterprise by which she exhausts herself, without any likelihood of obtaining any solid or equivalent advantage; that our privileges will by these means be settled upon so stable a basis, and our importance so highly raised in the eyes of the world, as to bring together a confluence of wealthy and useful inhabitants from all the European Nations, and to render us flourishing at home, and respected abroad; that the vigour of our youthful State, seconded by the emoluments of an accumulating commerce, under the auspicious smiles of freedom, will soon enable us to recover from the losses we have sustained during the war, and will in a little time elevate us to a much higher pitch of grandeur, opulence, and power, than we could ever attain to by an ignoble submission to arbitrary rule. The evils of slavery are inexpressibly great—the prize of liberty is worth contending for: let us therefore continue the pursuit with unremitting