of the Six Nations that inhabit near that quarter. We have taken the most effectual measures, by sending runners, from all the Southern Provinces, into the Indian Nations, through which he proposes to pass, to arrest and secure Lord Dunmore’s wicked agent, Connolly.

September 4, 1775.

DEAR SIR: Philosophy and physick are, I presume, silent with you, and nothing discoursed of but war. Our Ministry are up with you. They are arming every hand, Protestant and Catholick, English, Irish, Scotch, Hanoverian, Hessian, Indian, and Canadian, against the devoted Colonies. Arming Roman Catholicks is directly contrary to law; but they expect every protection from the politeness of Parliament. The newspapers tell us, and I believe truly, that, both in raising men and recruiting, they meet with, little success; such is the general repugnance to this unnatural war. This being the year for supplying the Spanish Flota, the extraordinary demand for that purpose prevents the manufacturers, &c., from feeling as they would have done from the stoppage of American commerce. But that is temporary, and reasoning men foresee, with concern, times of great violence and distress here, in consequence of this unhappy quarrel. Though it is evident to all the world that the Ministry have sought and forced the quarrel, and ought, therefore, to be answerable for all its pernicious consequences, yet, like all other wicked men, they are endeavouring to transfer their own guilt to others, and sacrifice the innocent to save themselves. You will see this plan opened in the late proclamation against holding correspondence, &c., with those among you who are in arms; and it is certain they have intercepted some letters, and mean to persecute some of the active enemies here to their arbitrary proceedings. It is supposed and expected that justice will lead the General Congress to declare, upon their receiving the proclamation, that if any one is proceeded against here, for corresponding with the people of America, or befriending them here, they will immediately seize upon all those in America who correspond with the Ministry. Without such a declaration, their friends, and especially their agents here, will be at the mercy of the most unprincipled Administration that ever disgraced humanity. Vattel, the most respected writer on the Laws of Nations, has this apposite observation: “Le Duc d’Alva condamnoit à mort tous les prisonniers qu’il pouvoit faire sur les confédérés des Pays-Bas; ceux ci userent de représailles, et les contraignirent enfin à respecter, à leur égard, le droit des gens, et les loix de la guerre. “The same check must be held over these men, whose inclinations are equally bloody and unjust. The principle upon which their pensioned writer. Dr. Johnson, defends the Boston Port-Bill—“that where they are satisfied of guilt, there is no occasion for evidence or trial“—is that on which they would punish all those who oppose their tyranny.

The quantity of artillery, arms, and ammunition, shipped against New-England, is greater than ever went from this Country before. These, with an army of twenty-four thousand men, are intended to carry destruction through those Provinces next spring. Fifty ships of war are to ravage the coast and interdict all commerce. Small armies are to he sent to Virginia and South-Carolina. It will behoove them, therefore, to prepare against the storm that is intended to pour down destruction upon them.

After a great many days’ delay and debate, they have condescended to receive the petition from the General Congress; but have refused to give an answer. It is, indeed, sufficiently answered by the proclamation, which was issued some days after they had a copy of the petition. America will therefore understand that she has nothing but her own virtue and firmness in which she can trust. I understand it is intended to declare your ports open to all Nations, upon coercive measures being continued after the petition. I can only say that is a measure of the last importance, and, leading to consequences of infinite moment, it ought to be well weighed, and not adopted but upon the compulsion of absolute necessity. It would hazard the uniting the Country against America, and unless there is a certainty of its being accepted by other Nations, might be injurious. Parliament will meet next month, when we shall see how the expense of so ruinous a war will be relished.

THOMAS LYNCH TO GENERAL WASHINGTON.

Philadelphia, November 13, 1775.

MY DEAR SIR: In consequence of your favour by Colonel Reed, I applied to the Chief Justice, who tells me the Supreme Courts were lately held, and that it will be some time before their term will return; that he knows of no capital suit now depending; and that it is very easy for Col. Reed to manage matters so as not to let that prevent his return to you. I am sure Mr. Chew is so heartily disposed to oblige you and to serve the cause, that nothing in his power will be wanting. I fear, however, that you will be sometime in want of your Secretary, as I did not find him in haste to return, when I mentioned to him what is just now related; he doubtless has many private affairs to transact: the loss must be greatly increased by Mr. Randolph’s absence, who, I hear, came to Town last night.

I am happy to inform you that Congress has agreed to every recommendation of the Committee, and have gone beyond it, in allowing the additional pay to the officers. I rejoice at this, but cannot think with patience that pitiful wretches, who stood cavilling with you when entreated to serve the next campaign, should reap the benefit of this addition. They will now be ready enough, but hope you will be able to refuse them, with the contempt they deserve, and to find better in their room. Could not some of the gentlemen at camp enlist the New-England men who have been persuaded to leave you. Frazier told me he could. It would be a capital point to convince the world that it is not necessary to have bad officers of that country, in order to raise men there. I can scarce bear their tyranny.

I have a letter, from undoubted authority, that assures me that the destruction of the Parliamentary Army in America will certainly produce peace; and by another, that the seizing Quebeck will produce the same effect. I have no doubt America stands now indebted to her General for the one, and will, before the return of spring, for the other. Mistake me not; I have not altered my mind a jot since I left you. I mean not to anticipate your determination, but only to approve your design to hover like an eagle over your prey, always ready to pounce upon it when the proper time comes. I have not forgot your proposition relative to that City; I try to pave the way for it, and wait for the season, as you do.

No appearance of peace, unless produced by necessity on the part of the enemy; every human feeling seems to have forsaken them; fear and interest only are listened to.

We hear seven tons of powder are arrived at Rhode-Island, and as many at Portsmouth. I hope it is true, as it will possess us of advantageous grounds, and begin the enemy’s destruction. It is suspected, in England, Howe’s Army will give you the slip, and land at Long-Island, which God of his infinite mercy grant. We wait with impatience to hear of the total reduction of Canada.

Your Virginians, we hear, have drubbed Lord Dunmore, killed and took fifty men, and sunk one of his vessels. May all such villains so perish.

A Mr. Richard Hare, brother to the porter brewer, sailed in the transport for Quebeck. As you have or must take him, let me recommend him to your civilities while with you, and to send him to his friends here.

The Articles of War have all the amendments we reported. You will enforce them. You will not now suffer your officers to sweep the parade with the skirts of their coats or bottoms of their trowsers, to cheat or to mess with their

speak to mo in future, I shall joyfully attend, and thank you for the present invitation. The particular favour showed me, and the gun you have given me, for the kindness I showed your brother, (young Field, ) claims my warmest acknowledgments. I am conscious I did but my duty. He who barely does his duty, merits no praise. If any of your people hereafter visit mine, whether through curiosity or business, or both motives, or if unwillingly compelled by the strong hand of the victor, they shall find the entertainment your brother found. You informed me, if my people visits yours, they shall most an hospitable welcome. My fears are done away. I have not one doubt remaining. I will recommend it to my young men to visit and get acquainted with yours.

Fathers: What has passed this day is too deeply engraven on my heart for time itself ever to erase. I foretell that the sunny rays of this day’s peace shall warm and protect our children’s children from the storms of misfortune. To confirm it, I present you my right hand— that hand which never yet was given but the heart consented, which never shed human blood in peace, nor ever spared an enemy in war— and I assure you of my friendship with a tongue which has never mocked at truth since I was at age to know falsehood was a crime.— (A belt.)