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before you and Council, in which nothing but the fair side of his character appears. You may be assured, Sir, that his trial will be impartial; that no insidious designs of his enemies will have weight, and that it will give me much pleasure to find he can acquit himself of the crimes he is charged with. The evidences are hourly expected; on their arrival, the trial will be no longer delayed. General Sullivan set out the 12th instant for Portsmouth, New-Hampshire. I enclose you a copy of instructions given unto him.

As it is now very apparent that we have nothing to depend on in the present contest but our own strength, care, firmness, and union, should not the same measures be adopted in yours and every other Government on the Continent? Would it not be prudence to seize on those Tories who have been, are, and that we know will be active against us? Why should persons who are preying upon the vitals of their Country be suffered to stalk at large, while we know they will do us every mischief in their power? These, Sir, are points I beg to submit to your serious consideration.

I congratulate you on the success of our arms, by the surrender of St. John’s, which I hope will be soon followed by the reduction of Canada.

I have the honour to be, Sir, your most humble servant,

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

To Governour Trumbull, Connecticut.

P. S. By an express arrived from Philadelphia, I received the following resolve of the Continental Congress:

Resolved, That Dr. Church be close confined in some secure Jail in the Colony of Connecticut, without the use of pen, ink, and paper; and that no person be allowed to converse with him, except in the presence of a Magistrate, or the Sheriff of the County where he shall be confined, and in the English language, until further orders from this or a future Congress.

“By order of the Congress:  
  “JOHN HANCOCK, President.
“Attest: CHARLES THOMSON, Sec’y.

“Philadelphia, November 6, 1775.”

Sir, in consequence of the above resolve, I now transmit to your care Dr. Church, under the care of Captain Israel Putnam, a Sergeant, and seven men. You will please to comply, in every particular, to the above resolution of Congress.

I am, with great respect, Sir, yours, &c.,

GEORGE WASHINGTON.


GENERAL WASHINGTON TO GOVERNOUR COOKE.

Cambridge, November 15, 1775.

SIR: General Sullivan set out the 12th inst., for Portsmouth, New-Hampshire. I enclose you a copy of instructions given unto him. As it is now very apparent that we have nothing to depend on, in the present contest, but our own strength, care, firmness, and union, should not the same measures be adopted in yours and every Government on the Continent? Would it not be prudent to seize on those Tories who have been, are, and that we know will be active against us? Why should persons who are preying upon the vitals of their Country be suffered to stalk at large, whilst we know they will do us every mischief in their power? These, Sir, are points I beg to submit to your most serious consideration.

I congratulate you on the success of our arms, by the surrender of St. John’s, which hope will be soon followed by the reduction of Canada.

I have the houour to be, Sir, your most obedient servant,

GEORGE WASHINGTON,

To Governour Cooke, Rhode-Island.


ADDRESS OF THE BURGH OF LANARK.

Address of the Lord Provost, Magistrates, Town Council, and Deacons of Crafts, of the Burgh of Lanark, presented to His Majesty by Sir James Cockburn, Baronet, their Representative in Parliament.

Unto the King’s Most Excellent Majesty.

The humble Address of the Lord Provost, Magistrates, Town Council, and Deacons of Crafts, of the Burgh of LANARK, in Common Council assembled.

Most Gracious Sovereign:

With affectionate hearts, full of loyalty to your Majesty’s person and Government, and impressed in the most sensible manner with the blessings that flow from your mild and auspicious reign, permit us, at this important crisis, to express our abhorrence of that rebellious spirit which has prompted your deluded subjects in America to take arms in opposition to your Majesty’s Government, and to the legal authority of Parliament.

We have, with the greatest concern, beheld the many unjust attempts which have been made to disturb the tranquillity of your Majesty’s reign. We sincerely wish that our unhappy and deluded fellow-subjects in America may see their error, and return to their duty; but if they shall continue in their unnatural and unprovoked rebellion, with our lives and fortunes we will assert the supremacy of your Majesty and Parliament over every part of the British Empire, and hope the sons of sedition may be taught that the same arm which was lately stretched out for their defence and security, and which drove all their enemies far from their confines, can, with equal ease, chastise ungrateful and rebellious subjects. Happy that the rod is in the most mild and merciful hand—in the hand of the father and the friend of his people.

We pray that God Almighty, for these purposes, may bless your Majesty’s Councils with wisdom, grant success to your arms, restore peace and tranquillity to all your subjects, and spare your Majesty long to reign with honour and glory, over a happy, a free, and united people.

Signed in our name and by our appointment, at Lanark, the sixteenth day of November, one thousand seven hundred and seventy-five years, by

ROBERT BELL, Provost.


THE MONITOR, NO. II.

New-York, November 16, 1775.

It is the common practice of courtiers to confound every distinction between open rebellion and a necessary resistance to usurpation and tyranny. However enormous the strides they take for extending their power, they still expect an implicit submission from the people, denominating every appearance of discontent or opposition a culpable mark of a mutinous and treasonable disposition; and, by this mean, they are often guilty of a shameful prostitution of ideas and language. A Charles and a James, as well as monarchs of more specious pretensions, were exceedingly liberal in bestowing the odious epithets of treason and rebellion upon the efforts of their subjects, to avoid the mischiefs of unbounded ambition and bigoted tyranny; furious proclamations, imperious speeches and menaces, the whole artillery of royal indignation was exerted, but exerted in vain, to intimidate the free spirit of an injured nation. To their cost they found that the dangerous tempest they had excited was not to be allayed, till it had overwhelmed them in merited destruction. Happily for mankind, the dictates of common sense, and the unalterable relations of right and wrong, justice and injustice, are not to be overruled by the arbitrary constructions of Princes or Ministers; but the laws of nature and reason will still retain their force, in spite of their perverted conceptions or contaminated principles. The breath of an incensed despot can never make it sedition or treason to withstand his pernicious encroachments and merciless oppressions.

Our enemies falsely charged us with endeavouring to subvert the Constitution; but, upon the fairest examination, it must be evident that we are its truest supporters, while they are its most flagitious destroyers. The light of the subject to enjoy a personal or representative participation in the laws on which depends the disposal of his life, his liberty, and his property, has been long an acknowledged fundamental of the English Government, and was fortified beyond all dispute by the principles of the Revolution. This privilege is the sole object of our contention, which we claim, not only from the genuine nature of the Constitution, but from express stipulations by royal grants and charters, and from the possession, almost uninterrupted, of near two centuries. But the innovating spirit of Administration is making the most forcible and reiterated attempts to wrest it from us. The British Parliament is violently usurping the powers of our Colony Governments, and rendering

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