been greatly beholden to her, and Great Britain not a little. I would not be understood to insinuate that Great Britain does not produce grain enough for her own use. I know that generally she doth, and to spare; but it is well known, that, for a number of years past, Britain hath not yielded her usual abundance, or foreign demand has been so great as to encourage large exports; otherwise the price of wheat would not, communibus anuis, fluctuate between five shillings and six pence and eight shillings per bushel, and sometimes, in particular counties, higher. In the best years, Britain does not produce more grain than sufficient to feed her inhabitants fifteen or sixteen months, and in unfavourable years, she has little or none to spare. Suppose, then, a total stop of American wheat and flour. What will probably be the consequence ? The probable consequence will be, an increased demand for those articles in the different markets of Europe; the increased demand creates competition; competition raises the price, (already the subject of complaint,) bread being extravagantly dear, trade languishing, and a number of hands are idle for want of the employment afforded by the American commerce. Discontent, clamour, and commotion will ensue. These consequences naturally beget each other, and will inevitably happen, if the American produce is kept from market six months. I bring not under consideration the consequence of this measure to the inhabitants of the West-lndia Islands, whose existence as a people depends upon supplies from the Continent, and in whose prosperity Britain is deeply interested. Had the last proved a bad year of harvest in Europe, the consideration, under a stop of American exports, would be truly afflicting to every benevolent mind. As, therefore, so much depends on our keeping the American produce from market, let us show we have the virtue to make the sacrifice, and decline selling our commodities, unless for internal consumption; but, lest there should be among us those who, preferring private interest to publick good, shall dispose of their provisions to enterprising traders, the Committees of the several Counties and Corporations should exert their authority in preventing such practices, by prohibiting any of these articles from being water-borne, which will effectually suppress the mischief. In this measure, however, the confederated Colonies should act in concert; for which purpose something of the sort should come recommended from the Congress, if the Delegates think the temper of their constituents will bear the restriction; otherwise, it would be partial, injurious, and ineffectual.

JOHN ADAMS TO JAMES OTIS.

Philadelphia, November 23, 1775.

SIR: I had the honour of your letter of November 11th, by express, and am very sorry to learn that any difference of sentiment has arisen between the two honourable Houses respecting the militia bill, as it is so necessary, at this critical moment, for the publick service.

If I was of opinion that any resolution of the Congress, now in force, was against the claim of the honourable House, as the honourable Board have proposed that we should lay the question before Congress, I should think it my duty to do it. But it appears to me that, supposing the two resolutions to clash, the last ought to be considered as binding; and as, by this, it is left in the “discretion of the Assembly either to adopt the foregoing resolutions, in the whole or in part, or to continue their former, as they, on consideration of all circumstances, shall think fit,” I think it plain that the honourable Board may comply with the desire of the honourable House, if, in their discretion, they think fit. I am the more confirmed in the opinion that it is unnecessary to lay this matter before Congress, as they have lately advised the Colonies of New-Hampshire and one more, if they think necessary, to establish such forms of Government as they shall judge best calculated to promote the happiness of the people. Besides, the Congress are so pressed with business, and engaged upon questions of greater moment, that I should be unwilling, unless in a case of absolute necessity, to interrupt them by a question of this kind, not to mention that I would not wish to make known so publickly and extensively that a controversy had so soon arisen between the branches of our new Government. I have had frequent consultations with my colleagues, since the receipt of your letter, upon this subject; but, as we are not unanimous, I think it my duty to write my private sentiments as soon as possible. It either of my colleagues shall think fit to propose the question to Congress, I shall there give my candid opinion, as I have done to you.

I have the honour to be, with great respect to the honourable Board, Sir, your most obedient and very humble servant,

JOHN ADAMS.

The Hon. James Otis, Esq.

SAMUL ADAMS TO JAMES OTIS.

Philadelphia, November 23, 1775.

SIR: Having very maturely considered your letter of the 11th of November, written in the name and by order of the honourable the Council of Massachusetts-Bay, and directed to the Delegates of that Colony, I beg leave to offer it as my opinion, that the resolve of Congress, passed on the 9th of July last, must be superseded by the subsequent resolve of the 8th of July following, so far as they appear to militate with each other. By the last of these resolves, the Conventions or Assemblies of the several Colonies, annually elective, are, at their discretion, either to adopt the method therein pointed out, for the regu-lation of their militia, either in whole or in part, or to continue their former regulations, as they, on consideration of all circumstances, shall think fit. It therefore seems to me manifest that the honourable Council are under no restraint from yielding to the honourable House a voice with them in the choice of the militia officers in the Colony. I am prevailed upon to believe that this is the sense of the Congress, because they have lately recommended it to the Colony of New-Hampshire to set up and exercise Government in such form as they shall judge to be most conducive to the promotion of peace and good order among themselves, without laying them under restrictions of any kind.

As the honourable Board have been pleased to direct us to give our opinions, with or without consulting our brethren of the Congress, I hope I shall be justified, after having conferred with my colleagues on the subject, in declining, on my part, to have the matter laid before Congress, for reasons which were of weight in my mind; and, indeed, I am of opinion that the Congress would not choose to take any order of that kind, they having divers limes of late declined to determine on matters which concerned the internal police of individuals of the United Colonies. It is my most ardent wish that a cordial agreement between the two Houses may ever subsist, more especially in the establishment of the militia, upon which the safety of the Colony so greatly depends.

I am, with all due regards to the honourable Council, Sir, your most humble servant,

SAMUEL ADAMS.

THE MONITOR, NO. III.

New-York, November 23; 1775.

So great is the infirmity of the human mind, that, even in matters of the most intimate concern, men are extremely apt to forget circumstances of the greatest moment towards the due regulation of their judgment and conduct, or, at best, to retain too faint and confused a remembrance of them fully to answer that valuable end, their minds being distracted with the multiplicity of interesting occurrences that constantly crowd upon their attention, from whence it becomes necessary frequently to refresh their memories, in order to keep them steady to their purposes, and uniform in their sentiments and practices. I shall, therefore, dedicate this paper to a compendious review of those events which have brought us to a crisis big with the most important consequences to the future existence of this immeasurable Continent.

It is customary, when one set of men or one society, in the prosecution of their ambition or avarice, have adopted the intention to usurp the rights and annihilate the privileges of another, sedulously to seek out some pretext for the imputation of a crime on the devoted victims, by which they may seem to have forfeited their rights, and their spoilers may at least give a colour of justice to their proceedings. But the Parliament of Britain, bolder in

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