Temerity consists in prosecuting such wild schemes as have little probability of success; or which, though successful, could not compensate for the inconveniences through which they were pursued, or were like to be, in their consequences, productive of much more detriment than solid advantage. To these I would give my hearty negative; but where there is an object of moment in view, where there is a likelihood of success, and much to be gained by it, we ought not to be deterred at the prospect of difficulty and danger, nor effeminately shrink from every enterprise, as impracticable, which is not to be accomplished but with trouble and hazard.

Here I perceive many will be ready to ask, with an air of triumph, will not these daring measures have a direct tendency to exasperate and inflame? Will they not rouse the national pride of Britain, and bring the united resentment of the Ministry and people upon us? Will they not provoke the tremendous North, that second Jupiter, to exhaust his magazine of thunderbolts at our devoted heads, and, in a flood of vengeance, destroy us from the face of the earth, as happened to the rebellious giants of old? I answer, though I am far from thinking this terrestrial Jupiter omnipotent, even when assisted with his awful synod of demigods, the Parliament, yet, if I thought him possessed of any share of the justice and benignity which are ascribed to the celestial Thunderer, I should be very loth to offend him, and should hold it safer to court his favour than to defy his resentment. But as I believe there is little of the divinity in him, in those respects, I esteem it necessary to set him at defiance, and to be prepared for the worst effects of his rage and animosity; or, to speak in plainer terms, I am of opinion the Ministry must be driven from the post they have occupied, or they will never leave it till they have completed our ruin. While it is tenable, they will certainly hold it; reputation, interest, personal safety—every motive concurs to impel them to perseverance. Their conduct cannot be imputed to inconsiderate-ness or mistake, but is plainly the result of deliberate tyranny. They were well admonished of the temper of the Colonies, of the infinite difficulty of carrying the point of taxation. Two striking examples were before them of fruitless endeavours to impose the claim; in contempt of past experience, in defiance of the opposition to be expected from us, they resolved to make another trial. They have outgone their predecessors in the essay, and have proceeded to the last extremity—an appeal to the sword. They have advanced too far to retreat, without equal infamy and danger; their honour, their credit, their existence as Ministers, perhaps their life itself, depend upon their success in the present undertaking. When these things are considered, what reasonable man can doubt that we ought to expect the worst their circumstances will empower them to inflict, and that the shortest road to an accommodation is to convince them they are unable to effectuate their design?

The scheme of conduct I recommend supposes that a deliberate plan has been formed in the cabinet to enslave the Colonies—that is, to bring them under unlimited subjection to the Parliament. If this be admitted, the inference is unavoidable, that men who were capable of forming such a design, would not scruple to use the means necessary for its accomplishment. That when they determined to divest us of our liberties, they consequently determined to take every method proper to effect it. That as they have unsheathed the sword, they have thereby testified an opinion that the sword is a fit instrument for their purpose, and have given us all possible reason to believe they will use it so long as they have any hope of succeeding by it. That as they have already shown a disposition the most malignant and hostile imaginable towards us, we have nothing to look for from their justice or clemency, but may expect all the mischief they shall think it their interest to do us, in prosecution of their favourite plan. That therefore we need not fear to irritate or provoke them, but should exert every faculty to build a wall of adamant about our invaded rights, which may serve to blunt the edge of their uplifted weapon, or retort it with redoubled fury upon their own breasts.

As to the supposed danger of incensing the nation against us, by vigorous measures, I believe it to be entirely ill-founded. That their present inclinations are propitious to America, may be fairly gathered from the following considerations, selected from many more: 1. It may naturally be presumed that they approve in us the same erect spirit of liberty for which themselves have ever been distinguished. 2. The principals in the opposition to the present Administration have always been the most popular men in the Kingdom, and it is more than probable they lead the sentiments of the people in the important question of the day. 3. The City of London, which has been constantly known to direct the national opinion, has taken an active part in our behalf. 4. By various accounts there appears to be great difficulty to enlist men to fight against us, insomuch that the Ministry are constrained to give particular encouragement to the Papists, who alone seem inclined to the service.

In this case, the people will not regard the ministerial cause as their own. Their pride will be in no wise wounded by the disappointment and defeat of men who are odious to themselves; but they will rather rejoice in it, and applaud the instruments. Their generous natures will be captivated with the gallant exertions of their fellow-subjects, and they will be ready to make every allowance for the necessity of our situation.

But let us admit that the hope of relief, from the power of taxing us, has obliterated every other sentiment, and has induced the people in general to unite in a common cause with the Ministry; the same inducement will incite them to second all the views of their imagined benefactors to bring us under subjection. We must then look upon them as enemies, who are willing to do us all the injury they can, and should be indefatigable in putting ourselves in a posture of defence.

On the whole, if we are wise, it will be the first article in our political creed, that our oppressors will do every thing in their power to carry their point, and despoil us of Our privileges. This, the whole tenor of their treatment clearly denotes. The consequence will be, that we shall leave nothing undone which may conduce to the obstruction of their progress, and to the discomfiture of their oppressive designs.

Nothing but superlative folly will occasion us to neglect any expedient for fortifying our opposition, on the precarious and ill-grounded hope of prevailing by more gentle methods. The times are too serious and urgent to admit of trifling and procrastination. Too much is at stake to trust any thing to the equity and forbearance of men who have proved themselves to be destitute of those qualities. Every moment is precarious, and calls aloud for improvement. The general complexion of affairs demands activity, vigilance, and resolution. Let us beware, lest, while we amuse ourselves with a vain expectation that our enemies may relent, and come to an amicable settlement, they may be plying every engine of war, and may find us, at the critical juncture, in an unprepared and defenceless condition.

THE MONITOR, NO. VIII.

On the conduct of the Tories.

The dignity and meanness of human nature never appear so conspicuously as in times of publick danger and distress. In the calm of life there are many latent heroick virtues which have no opportunity to display themselves, but which, when the scene is overcast with the clouds of adversity, burst forth with a dazzling brilliancy, and seize the admiration of mankind; as, on the other hand, the true characters of men are apt to be disguised by many specious artifices, and embellished with many gilded appearances, which, when the storm rises, are dissipated and lost, and leave them exposed in all their native deformity: we are then at the same time charmed with the most magnificent virtues, and shocked with the blackest vices of the human heart.

The conduct of far the greatest part of my countrymen, amid the fiery trial in which we are now engaged, affords abundant matter for panegyrick, and, if persisted in with steady uniformity, will be a bright example for the imitation, and a prolifick theme for the praises of future ages. I wish, for the honour of humanity, the same encomium could be extended without exception; but it is a melancholy truth that the behaviour of many among us might

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