With the assistance of certain dexterous celebrated casuists, they soon learned the admirable art of turning reason and conscience out of doors, and acquired a power of mental digestion well adapted to paradoxes, both in logick and ethicks. They obtained a happy knack of proving to all gainsayers, by dint of positive assertion, that a duty imposed for the direct declared purpose of raising a revenue, was simply a regulation of trade, and not a tax; though in what manner the interests of trade could possibly be advanced by it, or by what magick an imposition for raising a revenue on the subject is divested of the nature of a tax, I confess to be a mystery far surpassing the bounds of my limited comprehension. They also found out an expedient for absolving themselves from the obligation of the most sacred engagements, voluntarily and deliberately cemented with the whole Continent. That laudable maxim, the offspring of jesuitical policy, that no faith is to be kept with hereticks, admits of an easy application to rebels, who may be considered as hereticks in Government; and it is no wonder that these orthodox gentlemen should think it no disgrace to violate all the ties of honour and fidelity with the rest of their countrymen.

At this season a petition from our constitutional Assembly was to effect an accommodation without the least difficulty. The Ministry and Parliament only wailed for such an opportunity to adjust all differences, and come to the most generous terms with us. Like kind indulgent parents, they would be glad to receive us, returning prodigals, with open arms, and to make us happy in the smiles of their benign countenances. In the mean time the Assembly was called, the judicious views of this wise, calm, prudent, moderate party, prevailed. The turbulent measures of the Congress were treated with all the contempt of neglect. They carried every point they pleased, and managed matters altogether at their own discretion. Petitions to the King, and memorials to both Houses of Parliament, were framed and sent home. One would naturally have imagined that, should they fail in this application, they would be fully convinced of their error, and cease their opposition to the general plan of the Colonies.

While these petitions were depending, the news arrived of the battle of Lexington. An universal uproar was raised against the Ministry. It was never imagined they would go to such lengths, and draw the sword in support of their oppressive schemes. No man could now pretend to extenuate, much less to justify, their conduct. All their advocates were to desert them, and join, heart and hand, with the rest of their countrymen. Every thing was to be harmony and unity, and this Colony was to excel all the others in firmness and zeal. This was the common discourse of every tongue; and, as an evidence of its sincerity, an association was cheerfully subscribed, promising compliance with all the recommendations of the several bodies intrusted with the management of publick affairs.

I was almost simple enough to credit these deceitful appearances, and to believe the men were at last in earnest; but I was soon convinced of my error, and that all my pleasing hopes were entirely visionary. I discovered many signs of a lurking chagrin at the success of the Provincials and the defeat of the Regulars. Time gradually developed the real motives of their apparent conversion, and taught me that it had proceeded more from the panick dread of popular fury, than from any sentiments of virtuous indignation at the unparalleled injustice and cruelty of our enemies. I have had a fresh proof that they have happily got the better of all those idle scruples which are so incommodious to mankind in general, and have learned to despise the superstitious obligations of honour, religion, and love to their country, which they only made use of as unmeaning formalities, fitted to deceive the unsuspecting multitude.

Some time after this tragick event, intelligence arrived that the petition from the Assembly had met with the usual fate, and had been refused a hearing. The pretence was, that it contained a denial of the rights of the Legislature, and therefore could not be received. A few insipid, nauseating expressions of kindness were obligingly bestowed by the Premier upon this Colony; and, as an incontestable mark of it, we were referred to a resolution of the House, the acknowledged design of which, as I have shown in my last paper, was to dissolve the union of the Colonies. In the first effusions of disappointment, many invectives against the Ministry were uttered by their party, and declarations similar to those on the former occasion were made, but their resentment presently subsided, and they in a little time resumed their wonted friendship and veneration.

The cry now became, that the Assembly went too far in denying the right of Parliament to tax the Colonies; they should only have desired a repeal of obnoxious acts and redress of grievances. This method would certainly have been successful; for though the Parliament will never relinquish their right, they would readily suspend the exercise of it forever. A gentleman in London, in a letter to his friend in New-York, assures him that this was undoubtedly the case; and that, had the Assembly prudently declined the question of right, every thing would have been settled to our wish! What friend would disbelieve the assurance of another? Or who, of any party, would ever doubt the veracity of his friend’s friend? But, by the by, it ought to have been recollected that it was rather impolitick and presumptuous in them to give the lie to their great luminary and patron, the amiable Lord North, who declared "that the dispute was now about a solid revenue, a full proportion of taxes to the people of Britain, and these to be raised according to the final judgment and determination of Parliament.”

Not to dwell longer upon so disgustful a theme, I will observe, in fine, that this party has, from time to time, fluctuated between the most opposite and contradictory opinions. It has held that the Parliament intended to enslave us, and that it did not intend to enslave us: That the duty upon tea was a tax, and that it was not a tax: That the Parliament has no right of taxation over us, and that it has a right of taxation; but, at the same time, no right to exercise that right: That the appointment of a Congress was a wise and necessary expedient, and that it was an unwise and destructive one: That the Association ought to be supported, and that it ought not to be supported. In a word, that the Colonies have been much injured and oppressed, and that they have not been injured nor oppressed, but are so many nurseries of ingratitude, treason, and rebellion!

I fear they have at length fatally settled upon this sandy and dishonourable foundation: that, wherever right may be, power is on the side of the Parliament; and that, by enlisting under their banners, they at least espouse the strongest and safest party—disregarding, like true men of the world, the inferior considerations of justice and integrity.

The dread of losing their property by confiscation is a principal motive of their persevering attachment to the ministerial cause; and is a mean of making new proselytes to their party, of those mercenary wretches who,

	Pauperiem metuens, potire metallis
	Libertato caret.

Here I must bestow the highest commendations on those, though few in number, who have nobly disengaged themselves from the society of men whose pernicious principles are now become too evident. Uncommon virtue and strength of mind are requisite to throw off the fetters of party, and give free operation to truth. I doubt not, as they have been once able to disentangle themselves, they will proceed steadfastly in the honourable course they have begun to run, and will hereafter prove supports, ornaments, and blessings to their country.

COSMOPOLITAN, NO. V.

To the Inhabitants of the AMERICAN Colonies.

Friends and Fellow-Citizens:

In many instances we insensibly glide into error, judging by the force of habits and the association of ideas. Having once investigated the relation subsisting between objects, and apprehended the consequences resulting from that relation, in some early period, we seldom trace subsequent propositions, which are the subjects of our disquisitions, to first principles or evident matters of fact. We are too apt to avoid the pain and labour of a tedious thorough scrutiny, to rest satisfied upon former determinations, although their grounds are continually variating, and circumstances so changed as to reverse inferences of earlier times. It is natural to the mind, in her pursuits, to acquiesce, so soon as she perceives a deduction from some presumed or commonly received truth; not adverting to the argument in