months as it took Britain years. We have nothing to fear but from Europe, three thousand miles distant; but a Country so united cannot be conquered.

The eyes of all Europe are upon us. Until this controversy, the. strength and importance of this Country were not known. The nations of Europe look with jealous eyes on the struggle. Britain has natural enemies—France and Spain. Should we be unsuccessful in the next campaign, France will not sit still and suffer Britain to conquer. He then bragged of our success and courage. Said nothing would bring Britain to terms but unity and bravery. That all Britain wanted was to procure separate petitions, which we should avoid. It would break our union. We would become a rope of sand, he repeated, as if to frighten; that neither mercy nor justice was to be expected from Britain. He again complimented the House on their former petition and noble answer to the Governour, in their address on the resolution of the 20th of February, and entreated us not to petition, but rest on our former petition and that of United America. He spoke more than half an hour.

Mr. Jay said we had nothing to expect from the mercy or justice of Britain. That petitions were now not the means; vigour and unanimity the only means. That the petition of United America, presented by Congress, ought to be relied on, others unnecessary, and hoped the House would not think otherwise. He spoke about twelve minutes.

Mr. Wythe spoke about eight minutes, to the same purpose.

REASONS WHY THE AMERICANS SHOULD NOT FURNISH THE KING’S SHIPS WITH PROVISIONS, WROTE BY SOME PERSON IN NEW-ENGLAND, AND SENT TO ALL THE SEA-PORT TOWNS, OCTOBER, 1775.

1. The inconsistency of fitting out privateers, at a great expense, to intercept ships laden with provisions for the enemy, and at the same time recommending it to each particular sea-port Town to furnish, at least not to prevent them from furnishing the men of war with all provisions and necessaries, is so manifest that it would be idle to dwell upon it.

2. If it be said that it is prudent, by this act of compliance, to save the Towns from cannonade, it may be answered, the men of war will certainly make further demands, and, on the same principles, their demands must be complied with.

3. Is it not reasonable to suppose, when the ministerial instruments reap such fruits from their menaces, that they will point out to their masters the weak part of America, and, consequently, that they will be encouraged to persist in their plan?

4. Is it not probable, or almost certain, if one Town bids them defiance, that the rest would be ashamed not to follow the example? and, vice versa, if the sanction of the Congress is given to any degree of compliance and submission to their terms, is it not probable that some one Town will avail itself of the sanction, and extend their complacency in proportion to the magnitude of the threats? That another and another will plead precedent, and thus, ultimately, the enemy will be enabled, by our own assistance, to continue the war to our destruction?

5. Is it not certain that if once the spirit prevails, of denying every kind of refreshment to the ships of war, they cannot possibly keep their station; that diseases and desertions of the crews would, in a short time, unman the fleet, and, consequently, the distresses of America be brought to a speedy issue? but, if it becomes an established rule to furnish the ships with necessaries, may not the war and distresses of America be prolonged ad infinitum?

6. Is it, in fact, a clear case that ships of war can, with so great facility, destroy sea-port Towns? If, indeed, they have force sufficient to land,* they may effect this destruction; but those who suppose it can be done by dint of cannonade must be very little acquainted with the effects of cannon. Cannon make a formidable noise to ears unused to the sound; but Towns will receive inconsiderable damage from the utmost fury of any ships of war which can come into our harbours.

But, in our present circumstances, (taking it for granted that ships and cannon can work all this mischief,) is it not necessary to inculcate the principle of making partial sacrifices for the general good? for, if this principle is not established, could a poor defenceless Town be censured for submission to any terms; which their lords may choose to dictate?

Would any circumstances so effectually reduce the Ministry to despair, as showing an indifference about the existence or destruction of our Towns?

EXTRACT FROM THE MINUTES OF THE PROVINCIAL CONGRESS OF NEW-JERSEY.

Application having been made to this Congress, by Mr. Richard Westcott, of Gloucester County, for leave to freight a Vessel to some foreign port, with the produce of this Colony, to purchase Gunpowder and other military stores for the use of this Province, offering to give sufficient security that the nett proceeds of such produce shall be laid out in the purchase of such Powder and military stores; the whole thereof to be landed in this Colony, (the danger of the seas and enemies only excepted,) and that this Congress or the Committee of Safety are to have the election to purchase the same: And this Congress having taken the said proposal into consideration, and the same appearing not to be repugnant to, but strictly consistent with the spirit and design of the Resolves of the Continental Congress for encouraging the importation of those necessary articles; and proposals of this nature, under certain restrictions as to the number of Vessels to be employed on this occasion, appearing to this Congress to be of publick utility at this critical time: It is, therefore, unanimously

Resolved, That Mr. Westcott’s proposals be accepted, provided that sufficient security be given to the Committee of the County of Gloucester, that the same be punctually and duly complied with, (subject, nevertheless, to the above exceptions,) and that no other Good’s or Merchandise, of any sort, be imported In such Vessel.

Mr. Richard Somers having made the same proposals, subject to the same conditions as above, it is therefore ordered, unanimously, that Mr. Somers’s proposals be also accepted.

MR. DE HART’S RESIGNATION.

Elizabethtown, November 13, 1775.

Gentlemen of the General Assembly of the Colony of NEW -JERSEY:

Your resolution, of the 24th of January past, having appointed me, with others, to attend the Continental Congress of the Colonies, then intended to be held at Philadelphia, in May following, with instructions to propose and agree to every constitutional measure for the accommodation of the unhappy differences then subsisting between our Mother Country and the Colonies: In obedience to the said resolution, with the other gentlemen, I attended the said Congress, but have not been able, by any reasonable and constitutional measure, to obtain that accommodation so ardently wished for by the House; on the contrary, His Majesty seemeth to have turned a deaf ear to all the supplications of his loyal Colonists, and his Ministers and Parliament have denounced vengeance against all those in America who refuse absolute submission to acts of Parliament, in all cases whatsoever, and have caused the blood of numbers of His Majesty’s most loyal American subjects to be spilled, which, with other arbitrary and barbarous actions, hath compelled the Colonies to arm in their own defence, and hath brought them to the verge of a civil war with the Parent State; so that all prospect of procuring an accommodation, by constitutional measures, seemeth to be nearly at an end.

The peculiar circumstances of my family hath prevented me from attending the Congress for some time past; and the same still continuing, renders it uncertain when I shall be able to attend. This and other reasons, needless to be mentioned, induces me earnestly to desire and request that the honourable House will now be pleased to appoint another to attend the Continental Congress in my stead.

I am, Gentlemen, your most obliged and most obedient humble servant,

JOHN DE HART.

* They effected the burning of Falmouth, a wooden Town, partly by landing Marines.