expense and share none of the profits of the campaign, may prove discontented, and destroy that union which now so happily subsists. If this Colony should pay the extraordinary expense of lunar months out of its own treasury, or should bid a bounty at its own expense, the troops of the other New-England Colonies would, as they are on the same service, expect the same advantage, and leave the service unless they have it.

If all the New-England Governments should bid a bounty, or pay the extraordinary charge of lunar months, out of their own treasury, the soldiery, by gaining this demand, would soon make another, and have from this condescension of Government such evidence of their own importance as would induce them to suppose that all their demands must be immediately complied with.

If, therefore, some measure can be hit upon to convince the soldiers now in the camp that an army can be raised without them, they will readily inlist for the ensuing campaign.

The Colony of the Massachusetts-Bay is to raise sixteen regiments. As the having so many of the inhabitants of the Colony in good wages in the present state of our affairs is a great privilege, it should be held up so to the people as an inducement to them to engage.

"It might be expedient, therefore, for the General Court to apportion, according to the tax bill of the present year, the number of privates each town is entitled to have in pay in the army; which each town should be ordered to furnish at the lines upon or before the first day of January next, inlisted according to the Continental establishment of the army, preference being given by each town to such of their inhabitants as shall have been in the camp this year, provided they are inlisted upon the, twentieth day of December instant."

I am your humble, obedient servant,

JAMES SULLIVAN.

To General Sullivan.

If any part or all of this plan is wrong, you will give me your opinion thereon as soon as may be, that it may be altered. Your's, as above.

GENERAL FOLSOM TO NEW-HAMPSHIRE COMMITTEE OF SAFETY.

Exeter, December 6, 1775.

GENTLEMEN: Immediately after my return home on Sunday afternoon, I despatched Colonel Hobart for Chester. The next morning I sent an express to Major Bartlett, of Nottingham, who is now with me. He expects to have his company full by Thursday night, and march them off Friday morning; but wants a dollar per man, which I should be glad you would give me an order for. I also applied without loss of time to several of the likeliest persons here to raise a company, but without success, till Simeon Ladd took the blank order for a company. He has, as yet, inlisted but three, yet refuses to give up the order till he has tried further. I have since employed Benjamin Boardman, of this town, and Porter Kimball, of Brentwood, who, I believe, will raise a company; Boardman having inlisted about twenty, and Kimball about the same number. Shall therefore be glad you would send up beating for them, and an order for one dollar for each of the men.

You may depend on my sparing no pains in getting the men ready to march by Friday morning.

I now send you by the bearer, Mr. Ebenezer Dealing, two hundred pounds, agreeably to your request. I am, gentlemen, your most obedient servant,

NATHANIEL FOLSOM.

MR. HARTLEY'S PLAN OF RECONCILIATION.

London, December 7, 1775.

The plan of pacification with America, which was moved this day in the House of Commons by Mr. Hartley, and seconded by Sir George Savile, was opened upon the following grounds: That Lord North having, in the beginning of the session, expressed himself to this effect: "Would to God that all things were as they were in 1763, if the authority of this country could likewise be replaced into the same state, that it was in 1763, but that an unconditional repeal of all the acts since 1763, without some honourable satisfaction to the authority of this country, would leave this country much disgraced; declaring at the same time, that he would readily waive the point of revenue from America.&qout; Mr. Hartley, who offered last year a draft of a letter of requisition, as a plan of settlement and accommodation, while revenue was the declared object of Administration, desired to offer a proposition to Lord North upon the new ground that he had taken.

The substance of Mr. Hartley s proposition was, that if there was any sincere desire for peace, he would endeavour to join issue with Lord North, and to offer terms of accommodation; by which, if Ministry would consent to replace America to the year 1763, he should, on the other part, propose, that America should give full satisfaction to the point of honour; that he thought himself authorized to engage for every thing that could in reason be required from the Americans, under that declaration in their petition to the King; that they did not even wish for reconciliation, notwithstanding all their distresses, upon terms inconsistent with the dignity of Great Britain; that, taking his ground from this declaration, he should propose a recognition, not in words, but in fact, which would effectually replace the authority of this country, (be it more or less, without any invidious line drawn,) where it was in 1763, The test proposed, was the enrolling some act of Parliament by the Assembly of each Province, supposing that the act of Parliament in view should be formed upon principles of justice, and such as the Colonies would hare received with a silent and thankful compliance in 1763. All recognitions in words being unavoidably botti invidious and insidious, a test, bringing no line of authority or obedience into question, would be the only safe proposition. The Americans shall be as they were in 1763, if they will likewise admit an act of test, such as they would not have had the least scruple to have admitted in 1763. Let us throw a veil over all the theoretical disputes of the rights of subjects, either as Colonists, or as men at large; let us not discuss the rights reserved or supposed to be reserved, at their emigration, whether tacitly or explicitly; let mutual concessions on both sides bring the two parties together; let the Americans be replaced where they were in 1763, if they will admit and register in their Assemblies, such an act of Parliament as they themselves shall confess that they would have admitted in 1763. It is not an unreasonable request to make to America, that they should treat an act of Parliament, flowing from principles of general humanity and justice, with a different reception to what has been given to acts of grievance.

It is certainly dangerous to disturb questions of the rights and extent of empire or obedience, because, after that, even acts of acquiescence may be construed to involve hazardous concessions, supposed to be included in the principles which have been brought under contest. But in the state of human affairs we must not always be too scrupulous. Something must be given up for peace. A civil war never comes too late. Let the Americans take their situation as it was in 1763, for better and for worse. In the present miserable prospect of things that is a fair and equitable bargain. The object of the act of Parliament to be proposed to America, may be perhaps in the event the abolition, but at the present can only be considered as the first step to correct a vice which has spread through the Continent of North-America, contrary to the laws of God and man, and to the fundamental principles of the British Constitution. That vice is slavery. It would be infinitely absurd to send over to America an act to abolish slavery at one word, because, however repugnant the practice may be to the laws of morality or policy, yet to expel an evil which has spread far, and which has been suffered for such length of time, requires information of facts and circumstances, and the greatest discretion to root it out; and moreover the necessary length of settling such a point would defeat the end of its being proposed as an act of compromise to settle the present unhappy troubles; therefore the act to be proposed to America, as an auspicious beginning to Jay the first stone of universal liberty to mankind, should be what no American could hesitate an instant to comply with, viz: that every slave in North-America should be entitled to his trial by jury in all criminal cases. America cannot refuse to accept and to enroll such an act as this, and thereby to re-establish peace and harmony with the parent State.