United Colonies, to a wonderful majority. The women, both old and young, being greatly irritated at the inflexibility of Administration, are not only willing their sons and brothers should turn out in the field, but also declare that they will give them up, and themselves likewise, as a sacrifice, before they will bow to Pharaoh's task-masters. This makes the raising of troops on the Continent very easy. Let a person go into any province, city, town, or county, and ask the females, "Are you willing your sons or brothers should go for soldiers, and defend their liberties?" they would severally answer, "Yes, with all my soul; and if they won't go, I won't own them as my sons or brothers; for I'll help myself, if there should be any need of mine. If I can't stand in the ranks, I can help forward with powder, balls, and provisions;" and presently this will appear more pellucid. Last summer, I saw in Philadelphia a company of school-boys called the Academy Company, in their uniforms, with real arms and colours. Upon this I asked how many such companies were in the city, and for what they were designed; to which I was answered by a gentlewoman, the mother of two of this company, "There are three companies; and as to the design, they are to learn the art or theory of war; and if there should be any occasion for them in the field of battle, they will go, for they are all volunteers. But I, for my part, am, I do aver, sir, heartily willing to sacrifice my sons, believing that with such sacrifice God is well pleased; for he has hitherto marvellously blessed our arms, and conquered our enemies for us; and he who, in the days of his flesh, spoiled principalities and powers, and made a show of them openly, will in the end, I doubt not, evince the world that he is conqueror." This, my Lord, is the language of the American women. Your Lordship knows it is generally the reverse with the English; the mothers' and sisters' lives are bound up in the boys.

But I am afraid I shall trespass on your Lordship's patience; therefore, in the great name, and for the sake of the ever-blessed Trinity, I now beseech your Lordship to weigh thoroughly, and with patience, impartiality, and love, this narrative of facts; and may that ever-blessed, adorable person, Jesus Christ, the wonderful counsellor and prince of peace, give your Lordship a right judgment and understanding in all things, and counsel and influence Administration to act wisely, and repeal the acts in dispute, and so make peace.

I am, my Lord, your Lordship's ready and willing servant, for Christ's sake.

B. P.

P. S. Some months ago I fully intended to see your Lordship before now, but the prohibition of exportation taking place before I could finish my business here, hath rendered it very difficult for me to embark at present. The first eligible opportunity in the spring, if any should offer, I intend to embrace and embark for Europe.

CORTLANDT SKINNER TO LIEUTENANT-COLONEL WILLIAM SKINNER.

December, 1775.

DEAR BROTHER: I have not had the pleasure of receiving a letter from you for a long time; whether you have written and they have miscarried, or what has happened, I know not; only this I know, that I have not had the happiness of a line from you this troublesome summer. I have always fondly, I may say foolishly hoped, that the unnatural dispute now subsisting, would have an amicable conclusion. I find myself sadly disappointed. The tea duty began the controversy; it has branched out into divers others, and now the contest is for dominion, For the rise of the dispute we are indebted to smugglers; for the present state of it, to the pride, ambition, and interest of those who, enemies to the ecclesiastical establishment of their country, have long plotted, and to others who have become of consequence in the struggle. They who began had their interest in view, and feared the ruin of their smuggling; here they, I believe, were willing to leave the dispute. The others, with deeper views, keep it up, and building on the foundation, are attempting a superstructure (a republick) that will deluge this country in blood. This is not new. All history, as well as our own, shows great convulsions, rebellions, and revolutions from mad enthusiasm and designing men; and the last spring up like mushrooms. We are now upon the eve, I may say, have actually begun a revolution. The Congress are our King, Lords, and Commons. They have taken Canada, with the consent of its grateful inhabitants; they block up the Royal army in Boston; they say they have secured the Indians; have appointed an Admiral, are fitting out a fleet, and are universally obeyed. Is this, or is it not independency? They say it is not; and we must believe even against our senses. An edict, manifesto, or what you please to call it, has been issued from the Congress; in which they say, WE have taken into consideration a proclamation issued by the Court of St. James's; meaning the late Royal Proclamation. You will soon see it. I fear bad consequences will attend the mistaken people who are so obstinately loyal as to favour the Royal cause. Where or what will be the end, I know not. The mistakes of Generals and Admirals, and the strange security in sending succours, ammunition, &c., to this country, amazes me, while success here in every mad measure vexes me.* The saints say Heaven is on their side; I rather think the old saying more applicable, "The devil is kind to young beginners." We must have in every war a campaign, at least, of blunders. This may be called so, from the ill-timed march to Lexington to the losing of Canada. Another year may set us right; but not, if we only succour Boston. A few regiments and fleets to different Provinces will set us right; at least bring us to our senses, and support the friends of Government. But I have said enough on this disagreeable subject; you will know every thing from the papers; though now Rivington is suppressed, you can hear only one side of the question.

I informed you in my last that I had another son, and that I had called him James. I can now only tell you that all my family, with your other friends and connexions, are well, except my wife, whose present weakness alarms me. She is now tolerably well, but so often otherwise, that I cannot say she has any thing like established health. She presents her love to you and your little girl, with the warmest wishes for both your happiness. I have not received a letter for a long time from Will, though I have heard of him, and that very pleasingly. I beg you will direct him to write to me, but caution him against political matters; few letters come to us unopened, and it may be of fatal consequence to me. † . . . . . wrote lately; it came safe, but had it fallen into the hands of the Committee, I should, as well as his brother, have felt, before we heard of it. Give my love and their mother's to them both, and as much as I long to hear from them and you, write cautiously, and in a way that can do me no harm. I fear a letter from Captain Kearny; I know how he will write; if, therefore, you see him, tell him of my fears. I wish to hear from you and all my friends, but they must avoid politicks, unless some very safe person, not an officer, or in the least connected with Government, and above all a man of honour should be the bearer. Make my compliments to Mr. Watts, to whom I am much obliged for his kind mentioning of my children. Remember me to Captain Skinner, who I think writes to nobody here, but now and then to his wife. Give my love to my children.

I am, with the greatest affection, your brother,

COHTLANDT SKINNER.

To Lieut. Colonel William Skinner, Westbury, Hants.

* MORRIS COUNTY, NEW-JERSEY, September 28, 1775.—The Commit, tee met by notice from the Chairman. Present, all but Doctor James Campfield and Ebenezer Condict.

A complaint exhibited against Cortlandt Skinner, for speaking dis respectfully of the Continental Congress, reproaching the minute-men, and charging them and the County with protecting a supposed criminal from justice.

Said Skinner attended the Board, and the evidences, viz: Paul Day, Joseph Wood, Stephen Conklin, Isaac Cary, and George Bachoven, were sworn and heard; and after said Skinner had made his defence, the question being put, "Whether said Skinner be guilty or not?" it was voted unanimously that he is guilty of the charge brought against him.

Said Skinner again appeared before the Committee, and acknowledged he was very sorry he had spoken that which was accepted to be unfriendly to his country, and declared that he would conduct himself as a sincere friend to the liberties of his country, and that it ever had been his intention and wish, &c., which, with several other like declarations of his being a sincere friend to the LIBERTY of his country, the Committee accepted as satisfactory, &c.

A true copy from the minutes,

SILAS CONDICT. Clerk,

[† The name in the original is illegible.]